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لا فَرْقَ بَيْنَ يَهُودِيٍّ ويُونَانِيّ، لأَنَّ الرَّبَّ هُوَ نَفْسُهُ لِجَميعِهِم، يُفِيضُ غِنَاهُ عَلى جَمِيعِ الَّذِينَ يَدْعُونَهُ. فَكُلُّ مَنْ يَدْعُو ٱسْمَ الرَّبِّ يَخْلُص/There is no distinction between Jew and Greek; the same Lord is Lord of all and is generous to all who call on him. For, ‘Everyone who calls on the name of the Lord shall be saved

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لا فَرْقَ بَيْنَ يَهُودِيٍّ ويُونَانِيّ، لأَنَّ الرَّبَّ هُوَ نَفْسُهُ لِجَميعِهِم، يُفِيضُ غِنَاهُ عَلى جَمِيعِ الَّذِينَ يَدْعُونَهُ. فَكُلُّ مَنْ يَدْعُو ٱسْمَ الرَّبِّ يَخْلُص
رسالة القدّيس بولس إلى أهل رومة10/من12حتى21/:”يا إخوتي، فلا فَرْقَ بَيْنَ يَهُودِيٍّ ويُونَانِيّ، لأَنَّ الرَّبَّ هُوَ نَفْسُهُ لِجَميعِهِم، يُفِيضُ غِنَاهُ عَلى جَمِيعِ الَّذِينَ يَدْعُونَهُ. فَكُلُّ مَنْ يَدْعُو ٱسْمَ الرَّبِّ يَخْلُص. إِذًا فَكَيْفَ يَدْعُونَ مَنْ لَمْ يُؤْمِنُوا بِهِ؟ وكَيْفَ يُؤْمِنُونَ بَمَنْ لَمْ يَسْمَعُوا بِهِ؟ وكَيْفَ يَسْمَعُونَ بِهِ بِدُونِ مُبَشِّر؟ وكَيْفَ يُبَشِّرُونَ إِنْ لَمْ يُرْسَلُوا؟ كَمَا هُوَ مَكْتُوب: «مَا أَجْمَلَ أَقْدَامَ المُبَشِّرِينَ بِالخَيْر!».ولكِنْ لَمْ يُطِيعُوا كُلُّهُم بِشَارَةَ الإِنْجِيل، لأَنَّ آشَعْيَا يَقُول: «يَا رَبّ، مَنْ آمَنَ بِمَا سَمِعَ مِنَّا؟». إِذًا فَالإِيْمَانُ هُوَ مِنَ السَّمَاع، والسَّمَاعُ هُوَ مِنَ التَّبْشِيرِ بِكَلِمَةِ المَسِيح. لكِنِّي أَقُول: أَلَعَلَّهُم لَمْ يَسْمَعُوا؟ بَلَى! «في الأَرْضِ كُلِّهَا ذَاعَ مَنْطِقُهُم، وفي أَقَاصي المَسْكُونَةِ كَلامُهُم». وأَقُول: أَلَعَلَّ إِسْرَائِيلَ لَمْ يَعْلَم؟ يَقُولُ مُوسَى أَوَّلاً: «أَنَا أُثِيرُ غَيْرَتَكُم بِمَنْ لَيْسُوا شَعْبًا، وبِشَعْبٍ غَبِيٍّ أُثِيرُ غَضَبَكُم!».أَمَّا آشَعْيَا فَيَجْرُؤُ ويَقُول: «وجَدَني الَّذِينَ لَمْ يَطْلُبُوني، وٱعْتَلَنْتُ لِلَّذِينَ لَمْ يَسْأَلُوا عَنِّي». أَمَّا في شَأْنِ إِسْرَائِيلَ فَيَقُول: «بَسَطْتُ يَدَيَّ النَّهَارَ كُلَّهُ نَحْوَ شَعْبٍ عَاصٍ وَمُتَمَرِّد!».

There is no distinction between Jew and Greek; the same Lord is Lord of all and is generous to all who call on him. For, ‘Everyone who calls on the name of the Lord shall be saved
Letter to the Romans 10/12-21/:’For there is no distinction between Jew and Greek; the same Lord is Lord of all and is generous to all who call on him. For, ‘Everyone who calls on the name of the Lord shall be saved.’ But how are they to call on one in whom they have not believed? And how are they to believe in one of whom they have never heard? And how are they to hear without someone to proclaim him? And how are they to proclaim him unless they are sent? As it is written, ‘How beautiful are the feet of those who bring good news!’ But not all have obeyed the good news; for Isaiah says, ‘Lord, who has believed our message?’So faith comes from what is heard, and what is heard comes through the word of Christ. But I ask, have they not heard? Indeed they have; for ‘Their voice has gone out to all the earth, and their words to the ends of the world.’ Again I ask, did Israel not understand? First Moses says, ‘I will make you jealous of those who are not a nation; with a foolish nation I will make you angry.’ Then Isaiah is so bold as to say, ‘I have been found by those who did not seek me; I have shown myself to those who did not ask for me.’But of Israel he says, ‘All day long I have held out my hands to a disobedient and contrary people.’”

إنَّ الحِصَادَ كَثِيْر، أَمَّا الفَعَلَةُ فَقَلِيْلُون.أُطْلُبُوا إِذًا مِنْ رَبِّ الحِصَادِ أَنْ يُخِرِجَ فَعَلَةً إِلى حِصَادِه
إنجيل القدّيس متّى09/من36حتى38/:”رَأَى يَسُوعُ الجُمُوعَ تَحَنَّنَ عَلَيْهِم، لأَنَّهُم كَانُوا مَنْهُوكِيْن، مَطْرُوحِينَ مِثْلَ خِرَافٍ لا رَاعِيَ لَهَا. حينَئِذٍ قَالَ لِتَلامِيْذِهِ: «إِنَّ الحِصَادَ كَثِيْر، أَمَّا الفَعَلَةُ فَقَلِيْلُون.أُطْلُبُوا إِذًا مِنْ رَبِّ الحِصَادِ أَنْ يُخِرِجَ فَعَلَةً إِلى حِصَادِهِ».

The harvest is plentiful, but the labourers are few; therefore ask the Lord of the harvest to send out labourers into his harvest
Holy Gospel of Jesus Christ according to Saint Matthew 09/36-38/:”When he saw the crowds, he had compassion for them, because they were harassed and helpless, like sheep without a shepherd. Then he said to his disciples, ‘The harvest is plentiful, but the labourers are few; therefore ask the Lord of the harvest to send out labourers into his harvest.’”

The post لا فَرْقَ بَيْنَ يَهُودِيٍّ ويُونَانِيّ، لأَنَّ الرَّبَّ هُوَ نَفْسُهُ لِجَميعِهِم، يُفِيضُ غِنَاهُ عَلى جَمِيعِ الَّذِينَ يَدْعُونَهُ. فَكُلُّ مَنْ يَدْعُو ٱسْمَ الرَّبِّ يَخْلُص/There is no distinction between Jew and Greek; the same Lord is Lord of all and is generous to all who call on him. For, ‘Everyone who calls on the name of the Lord shall be saved appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.


Detailed LCCC English News Bulletin For November 10/2019

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Detailed LCCC English News Bulletin For November 10/2019

Click Here to read the whole and detailed LCCC English News Bulletin for November 10/2019

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Latest LCCC English Lebanese & Lebanese Related News 
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The post Detailed LCCC English News Bulletin For November 10/2019 appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

A Bundle Of English Reports, News and Editorials For November 09-10/2019 Addressing the On Going Mass Demonstrations & Sit In-ins In Iranian Occupied Lebanon in its 24th Day

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A Bundle Of English Reports, News and Editorials For November 09-10/2019 Addressing the On Going Mass Demonstrations & Sit In-ins In Iranian Occupied Lebanon in its 24th Day
Compiled By: Elias Bejjani
November 09-10/2019

Titles For The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News published on November 009-10/2019
Sources: French Envoy to Arrive In Beirut Soon
Lebanese banks urge calm amid financial crisis and protests/Officials said there was no concern about solvency
Lebanon’s president meets bankers amid liquidity crisis
Aoun during the Baabda Meeting: For adopting necessary measures to meet citizens’ needs
Union of Bank Employees Syndicates: Extraordinary meeting upcoming Monday to discuss infringements against staff in many banks’ branches
Report: Consumer Prices Up 8% amid Protests
Fuel Shortage, Price Hikes Squeeze Protest-Hit Lebanon
Lebanese banks face threats, Hariri said to want neutral government
Report: Hizbullah, Speaker ‘Fail’ to Persuade Adamant Hariri
Students in Tyre Join Pupils Demos for First Time
Lebanon’s grand mufti calls for protesters’ demands to be met
World Bank Regional Chief Urges Lebanon to Form Govt. ‘within a Week’
Lebanon Protests a Boon for Street Vendors
Geagea confers with Kubic over latest local developments
Geagea Replies to Pompeo Remarks on Lebanon
Geagea Says Officials Seem to be Living ‘on Another Planet’

The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News published on November 09-10/2019
Sources: French Envoy to Arrive In Beirut Soon
Paris – Michel Abou Najem/Asharq Al Awsat/November 09/2019
Paris avoids interfering in the Lebanese local affairs and refuses to engage in the bazaar of names suggested to head the next cabinet. However, France refuses to remain passive in the face of Lebanon’s current political and economic crisis. “Christophe Farnaud, head of North Africa and Middle East department at the French foreign ministry should arrive to Beirut soon with a mission to support Lebanon at the economic and financial level,” official French sources told Asharq Al-Awsat on Friday. The sources stressed the need to “differentiate” between the French policy and the US policy in Lebanon. “Paris wants to support Beirut in filling the current void,” they said, adding that France hopes that Lebanese officials agree to form a government capable to meet the popular demands and to issue laws that are necessary for implementing economic reforms and the pledges taken at the CEDRE conference held last April in Paris.
Lebanon’s Prime Minister Saad Hariri resigned last October 29 in response to popular protests against the political class. The cabinet remains in place in a caretaker capacity amid stalled efforts to form a new one. Paris considers that the resignation of Hariri has pushed the crisis to further aggravation. In short, Paris wants to build a safety net for Lebanon with a focus on quickly filling the governmental void and on implementing the delayed economic reforms and meeting the legitimate demands of the street. Other sources said that the French envoy aims to “comfort Hezbollah” that no plot was planned against its existence in Lebanon. “There are no conspiracies to weaken or get rid of the party,” the source said. The sources said that all parties should coordinate to face the current crisis, which threatens to remove the entire monetary and financial system. “The envoy has a mission to bridge the gap and contradictory positions among Lebanese parties with hopes to exist the current crisis,” the source added.

Lebanese banks urge calm amid financial crisis and protests/Officials said there was no concern about solvency
AP/November 10/2019
Lebanese bankers and government officials tried to calm a worried public on Saturday amid the country’s major financial crisis, telling them that all deposits are guaranteed and “there is no need for panic.”The country’s financial troubles have worsened since nationwide protests – initially against new taxes – snowballed into calls for the entire political elite to step down. Banks reopened November 1 after a two-week closure amid the protests. But depositors have rushed to withdraw their money in recent days, while the country’s various lenders have imposed varying capital controls that differ from bank to bank. The announcement by Salim Sfeir, chairman of the Association of Banks in Lebanon, came after a two-hour meeting between President Michel Aoun, several Cabinet ministers and top banking officials in search of solutions for Lebanon’s deepening financial and economic crisis. “Depositors’ money is being preserved. What is happening is not an issue related to solvency, and therefore there is no need for panic,” Mr Sfeir said. “People should calm down. People should withdraw enough to meet their needs, not everything they have.” Mr Sfeir added that those who attended the meeting have asked the central bank’s governor, Riad Salameh, to continue taking the necessary measures “to preserve the safety of cash and economic stability.” He added that small depositors will be given priority when they come to withdraw money. Mr Aoun’s office said the meeting was attended by the ministers of economy and finance, as well as the central bank governor, the head of the banks’ association and top officials from the country’s largest lenders. Lebanon, one of the most heavily indebted countries in the world, was already dealing with a severe fiscal crisis before the protests began, one rooted in years of heavy borrowing and expensive patronage networks run by entrenched political parties. The Lebanese pound is trading at up to 1,900 to the dollar on the black market, a devaluation of nearly to 30 per cent from the official rate.
Banks in Lebanon were closed Saturday for an extra day amid deepening turmoil and public anxiety over liquidity. Monday is a holiday to mark the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday, and banks are scheduled to resume normal work on Tuesday.The financial crisis has worsened since Prime Minister Saad Hariri resigned his government on October 29 meeting a key demand by the protesters. No date has been yet set by Mr Aoun for consultations with heads of parliamentary blocs to name a new premier. Protesters are demanding a government made up of technocrats that would immediately get to work on the necessary reforms to address the economy. Politicians are divided among other things over whether the new Cabinet should be made up of experts only or include politicians. The World Bank on Friday urged Lebanon to form a new Cabinet “within a week” to prevent further degradation and loss of confidence in its economy, warning of grave risks to the country’s stability. Lebanon’s top Sunni cleric, Sheikh Abul-Latif Daryan, repeated his call Saturday for forming a new government of “national salvation” that would work to enact reforms.

Lebanon’s president meets bankers amid liquidity crisis
The Associated Press/Saturday, 9 November 2019
Lebanon’s president is meeting with several Cabinet ministers and top banking officials in search for solutions for the deepening financial and economic crisis. The country’s financial troubles have worsened since nationwide protests – initially against new taxes – snowballed into calls for the entire political elite to step down. Banks reopened November 1 after a two-week closure amid the protests. But depositors have rushed to withdraw their money in recent days, while lenders imposed irregular capital controls. President Michel Aoun’s office says the meeting was attended by the ministers of economy and finance, as well as the central bank governor and the head of the banks’ association. Banks in Lebanon were closed Saturday for an extra day amid deepening turmoil and public anxiety over liquidity.

Aoun during the Baabda Meeting: For adopting necessary measures to meet citizens’ needs
NNA/Sat 09 Nov 2019
During the financial and economic meeting held this afternoon at the Presidential Palace in Baabda, chaired by President Michel Aoun, the President called for taking all the necessary measures to cater to the needs of citizens. Aoun began the meeting by stressing the importance of addressing the current financial and banking situation, and to keep citizens well-informed of all developments to prevent the spread of rumors and false news targeting the banking sector in particular, and monetary stability in general. In this context, a series of measures were adopted during the meeting to address the financial and monetary conditions in the country, with special focus on pursuing the ongoing coordination between the Central Bank and the Association of Banks in Lebanon, in order to maintain stability and to enable banks to meet the needs of their customers, especially small depositors. Additionally, conferees highlighted the need to ensure the sustainability of the productive sectors as well. It was also emphasized that depositors’ money was well-kept, and that the recent events have no connection to the issue of solvency; therefore, there is no need for panic. The financial meeting was attended by Caretaker Ministers of Finance, Ali Hassan Khalil, and Economy and Trade Mansour Btaish, alongside Caretaker State Minister for Presidency Affairs Salim Jreissati, Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh, and the President and members of the Lebanese Banks Association. The Presidency Director-General Antoine Choucair, and Presidential Advisor Mireille Aoun Hashem were also present during the meeting. At the end of the meeting, Banks Association President Salim Sfeir read out the meeting’s statement, outlining the essential points tackled.

Union of Bank Employees Syndicates: Extraordinary meeting upcoming Monday to discuss infringements against staff in many banks’ branches

NNA/Sat 09 Nov 2019
– In an issued statement Saturday by the Secretariat of the Union of Bank Employees Syndicates in Lebanon, it called for an extraordinary meeting by the Union’s executive board on Monday to “deliberate over the subject of infringements on bank employees.” In this framework, Union President George Antoine Hajj urged all members to attend the meeting, saying that “what happened at the end of last week in many banks branches, such as encroachment on colleagues with insults and physical assault in some cases, requires a decision by the Union Council in order to maintain the safety of bank employees.” The Union Secretariat indicated that a statement will be issued at the end of the meeting on Monday to be circulated via the media, adding that the Banks Association President will also be informed of the Union Council’s decision. It is to note that a statement was issued by the Syndicate of Bank Employees in the North, calling on Union President Hajj to “adopt a decision of complete and open closure in the banking sector.”

Report: Consumer Prices Up 8% amid Protests
Naharnet/November 09/2019
The Director of the Consumer Protection at the Ministry of Economy, Tarek Younes said that according to patrols conducted by inspectors from the ministry, the prices of basket of consumer goods and services rose by 6 and 8 percent, the Saudi Asharq al-Awsat reported on Saturday.
Moreover, Nabil Fahd, head of the supermarket owners’ association, told the daily “the rise in prices of some consumer goods is linked to several issues that preceded the dollar crisis.”He said the “cost of interest on businesses has increased from 7.5 to 12 percent, and fees on credit card payments, which ranged from 0.85 to 1.25 rose to 2 percent, and then a 3 percent increase in tariffs on materials.”Another increase he said affected “imports of consumer goods, and the customs duty ranging between 10 and 20 percent on some other imported materials such as (Cornflakes).” Adding to the above, the shortage in dollar contributed to the rise in prices of some commodities, “but some commodities maintained the same price,” he said. On Wednesday, the World Bank urged protest-hit Lebanon to form a new government quickly, warning that an economic downturn would deepen poverty and worsen unemployment. Since October 17, an unprecedented protest movement has targeted a political class deemed incompetent and corrupt. Demonstrations have continued despite the government’s resignation last week. Without quick steps to address the crisis, about half of Lebanon’s population could fall into poverty and unemployment could “rise sharply”, the lender said in a statement. Even before protests erupted last month, growth in Lebanon had stalled following repeated political deadlocks in recent years, compounded by the war in Syria. Public debt stood at more than $86 billion, or higher than 150 percent of Gross Domestic Product, according to the finance ministry. Petrol stations owners said they would meet Thursday over persistent difficulties in paying for hydrocarbon imports due to dollar shortages.

Fuel Shortage, Price Hikes Squeeze Protest-Hit Lebanon
Asharq Al Awsat/November 09/2019
A rationing of dollars by banks in protest-hit Lebanon sparked growing alarm on Saturday as some petrol pumps ran dry and grocery stores introduced fresh price hikes. For two decades, the Lebanese pound has been pegged to the greenback and both currencies used interchangeably in daily life.
But banks have gradually been reducing access to dollars since the end of the summer, following fears of a shortage in central bank reserves. Access was limited further this week after banks reopened for the first time since an unprecedented popular uprising hit the country on October 17.
On Saturday, several petrol stations stopped services as reserves ran out because of a shortage of dollars needed to pay for imports, a syndicate head said. “The petrol stations that opened today are the ones that still have reserves. They will close down as soon as supply runs out,” said Sami Brax, the head of the Syndicate of Gas Station Owners. He said if officials do not facilitate access to dollars by Tuesday, “we will be forced to stop imports and close down all petrol stations.” His warning came a day after hospitals threatened to stop receiving patients because of a lack of dollars to pay for medical imports. Current medical stocks in the country “will not last more than a month”, hospital syndicate head Suleiman Haroun said.
Price hikes
Lebanon has seen an unprecedented popular uprising against everything from power cuts and poor social security to state corruption. The government yielded to popular pressure and stepped down last month, with the World Bank urging the quick formation of a new cabinet to prevent the economy from further deteriorating. But the country seemed to plunge deeper into economic crisis after banks reopened this week and further limited dollar supply. They halted all ATM withdrawals in dollars, introduced an additional charge on dollar withdrawals made at banks, and severely restricted conversions from Lebanese pounds. This has forced many people to resort to the black market where they are charged higher exchange rates, in what amounts to the de-facto devaluation of the local currency. The official exchange rate has remained fixed at 1,507 Lebanese pounds to the dollar, but the rate in the parallel market has surpassed 1,800. According to Zouhair Berro, the head of the Lebanese Consumers Association, the dollar shortage is leading to price hikes, especially for meat, vegetables and dairy.He said that suppliers are demanding payment in dollars. Economist Naseeb Gharbeel said that banks are being put “under pressure” due to a large demand for dollars from Lebanese inside the country and abroad.
‘Guarantee a future’
President Michel Aoun met central bank governor Riad Salameh and representatives from the Lebanese Association of Banks on Saturday to discuss the situation, according to the state-run National News Agency. The meeting came as hundreds took part in student-led demonstrations across the country to pressure the government into meeting their demands. The rallies have gained new momentum after pupils and university students boycotted lessons in recent days to spearhead the street movement. “We want to guarantee a future for ourselves,” said Mohammad, an 18-year-old high-school student.
“I shouldn’t be forced to leave the country after I graduate to find a job,” he said from a protest square in central Beirut. “The current political class is not capable of providing this.”Even before protests erupted last month, growth in Lebanon had stalled following repeated political deadlocks in recent years, compounded by the war in Syria. Public debt stood at more than $86 billion, over 150 percent of gross domestic product, according to the finance ministry. Moody’s ratings agency this week downgraded Lebanon’s sovereign debt, saying the anti-government protests had hit investor confidence and threatened economic stability. The World Bank had forecast a contraction of 0.2 percent before the turmoil, but has said that it now expects Lebanon’s recession “to be even more significant”. Without quick steps to address the crisis, about half of Lebanon’s population could fall into poverty and unemployment could “rise sharply”, the lender said.

Lebanese banks face threats, Hariri said to want neutral government
Reuters, Beirut/Saturday, 9 November 2019
Lebanese bank staff are facing abuse from customers angered by restrictions on access to their cash, the employees’ union said on Friday, reflecting intensifying pressures in an economy gripped by its deepest crisis since the 1975-90 civil war. With Lebanon paralyzed by political and economic turmoil, its politicians have yet to make progress towards agreeing a new government to replace one that was toppled by an unprecedented wave of protests against the sectarian ruling elite. Saad al-Hariri, who quit as prime minister last week, is determined the next government should be devoid of political parties because such a cabinet will not be able to secure Western assistance, a source familiar with his view said. He is still seeking to convince the powerful, Iran-backed Shi’ite group Hezbollah and its ally the Amal Movement of the need for such a technocratic government, the source said. Hariri’s office could not immediately be reached for comment.
Leading Christian politician Samir Geagea warned of great unrest if supplies of basic goods run short and said Lebanon’s financial situation was “very, very delicate”. One of the world’s most heavily indebted states, Lebanon was already in deep economic trouble before protests erupted on Oct. 17, ignited by a government plan to tax WhatsApp calls. Taking aim at rampant state corruption, the nationwide protests have targeted the entire elite. Since reopening a week ago, banks have been seeking to stave off capital flight by blocking most transfers abroad and imposing curbs on hard-currency withdrawals, though the central bank has announced no formal capital controls. The banks’ moves have led to threats against their staff. “Clients with guns have entered banks and security guards have been afraid to speak to them as when people are in a state like this you don’t know how people will act,” said George al Hajj, president of the Federation of Syndicates of Banks Employees.
Bank staff are considering going on strike, he said. “Clients are becoming very aggressive; the situation is very critical and our colleagues cannot continue under the current circumstances,” added Hajj, whose union has around 11,000 members, just under half of the total banking staff. A senior banker expressed concern that potential industrial action by staff could force the closure of banks from Tuesday onward. Banks will be closed on Saturday and Monday for a public holiday. A big part of Lebanon’s economic crisis stems from a slowdown of capital inflows which has led to a scarcity of US dollars and spawned a black market where the Lebanese pound has weakened below its official pegged rate. A dollar was costing 1,800 pounds or more on Friday compared to 1,740 on Thursday, two market sources said. The pegged rate is 1,507.5 pounds.
“On another planet”
Some banks have lowered the cap on maximum withdrawals from dollar accounts this week, according to customers and bank employees. At least one bank cut credit card limits from $10,000 to $1,000 this week, customers said. “Anything that touches the liquidity of the bank is being restricted,” said another banker. One bank told a customer that a weekly withdrawal cap of $2,500 had been slashed to $1,500. Friday also saw the longest queues yet at ATMs, the senior banker said, as customers prepared for the two-day closure. In central Beirut, several people tried and failed to withdraw dollars from an ATM belonging to one of the banks that is still dispensing dollars from its cash machines. “It’s frustrating as I need money to keep me going for the weekend,” said one customer, a 25-year-old marketing professional. Another customer was able to withdraw cash in Lebanese pounds from the same ATM.
Hariri, who resigned on October 29, has been holding closed-door meetings with other politicians. “Hariri has made up his mind. He does not want a government with any politicians because this government cannot secure support from the West,” the source familiar with his view said.
Geagea, head of the Lebanese Forces Party, said the only way out of the crisis was the formation of a competent government independent of political parties. “Every hour we hear of a crisis at the gates, whether it’s (supply of) petrol, flour, or medicine,” Geagea said in a telephone interview. “Everything is collapsing and the officials are on another planet, taking their time.”

Report: Hizbullah, Speaker ‘Fail’ to Persuade Adamant Hariri
Naharnet/November 09/2019
The formation of a new government reportedly hinges on caretaker Prime Minister Saad Hariri who “refuses” to head another cabinet, amid failed Hizbullah, Speaker’s attempts to convince him otherwise, al-Joumhouria daily reported on Saturday. The daily said that Speaker Nabih Berri has dispatched Minister Ali Hassan Khalil a “number of times to persuade Hariri, emphasizing the need that he shoulder responsibility.”It also said that Hizbullah has failed to dissuade Hariri from his decision. According to information, the recent meeting between Hariri and Hizbullah’s political aide, Hajj Hussein Khalil, was “frank and friendly.” Hariri allegedly made no mention that he rejects Hizbullah’s participation in an upcoming government. Moreover, Khalil reportedly passed Hizbullah’s position that Hariri should be a key partner in solving the current government crisis, and that he should shoulder responsibility … “we are with you,” he reportedly told the caretaker Premier. But Hariri maintains an “unwavering” position, said the daily, which Hussein allegedly said “we don’t consider (the rejection) that a final answer, let us leave it to the ongoing contacts.” Hariri tendered his government’s resignation on October 29 in response to pressure from the street. The cabinet has stayed on in a caretaker capacity but efforts to form a new line-up seem to be stalling, with each faction in the outgoing coalition seeking to salvage some influence. Hariri met President Michel Aoun on Thursday and said that consultations were ongoing with all political players but gave no details.

Students in Tyre Join Pupils Demos for First Time
Naharnet/November 09/2019
Hundreds of students in the southern city of Tyre joined for the first time on Saturday the masses of fellow students in different parts of Lebanon boosting the country’s anti-government protest movement. Tyre students chanted “revolution, revolution,” expressing anger of an increasing rate in “unemployment,” and demanding “new curricula and social rights.”Since Wednesday, university and high school students across the country have massively deserted their classrooms to join nationwide streets protests. Earlier in October, pro-AMAL gunmen suppressed by force the protesters chanting slogans opposed to AMAL Movement leader and Speaker Nabih Berri. Armed clashes were reported as videos of the clashes went viral on social media. Thousands of high school students across Lebanon skipped classes Saturday for a fourth day in a row to carry on the flame of the country’s anti-graft movement. Lebanon has since October 17 been gripped by massive cross-sectarian protests demanding a complete revamping of a political system they say is corrupt and inept. With youth unemployment running at over 30 percent, school students have joined en masse since Wednesday demanding a better country so they don’t have to emigrate.

Lebanon’s grand mufti calls for protesters’ demands to be met
Reuters, Beirut/Saturday, 9 November 2019
Lebanon’s grand mufti, the top cleric for Sunni Muslims, called on Saturday for those in power to meet protesters’ demands of ending corruption and sectarianism. Grand Mufti Sheikh Abdul Latif Derian also said the time had come for the prompt formation of a national emergency government of experts, in a televised address on the occasion of Prophet Mohammed’s birthday. The country is in political turmoil after a wave of protests that prompted the resignation of Saad Hariri as prime minister last week.

World Bank Regional Chief Urges Lebanon to Form Govt. ‘within a Week’

Associated Press/Naharnet/November 09/2019
The World Bank’s regional director on Friday urged Lebanon to form a new Cabinet “within a week” to prevent further degradation and loss of confidence in its economy. Saroj Kumar Jha told The Associated Press that the World Bank observed in recent weeks increasing risks to Lebanon’s economic and financial stability. “We are very concerned that this will impact the Lebanese poor people, middle class” and businesses, he said. Prime Minister Saad Hariri resigned his government on Oct. 29 in response to the unprecedented protests which have swept Lebanon starting in the middle of last month. The protests erupted over proposed new taxes and have snowballed into calls for the entire political elite that has ruled Lebanon since the end of its 1975-90 civil war to step aside. More than a week after Hariri resigned, President Michel Aoun has not yet set a date for consultations with heads of parliamentary blocs who would name a new premier. There appears to be sharp divisions over whether the new Cabinet should be made up of experts only or include politicians. “It is extremely important that there is a political solution to the ongoing crisis and (that) we have a credible government in the office, which can launch ambitious bold reforms for economic stability, for more growth in the economy, for more jobs to be created and to restore confidence,” Jha added. Jha said the losses “are enormous” and some of them can be measured but there are many that cannot. He said the World Bank estimates that before the protests started on Oct. 17, Lebanese was already in recession and “we were projecting 0.2% negative growth in the Lebanese economy. More recent “estimates suggest that the contraction in the country’s economy could be about 1% of the GDP, which is quiet substantial.”He added this would almost mean 600 to 700 million dollars of economic losses every day. Lebanon, which suffers from widespread corruption, has one of the highest debts in the world, standing at $86 billion or 150 of the GDP.
Jha said the new government should work on restoring confidence in the Lebanese economy, creating business opportunities for all Lebanese, improving the job market and launching a comprehensive program for the state-owned electricity company, which is draining state coffers.
“We need a government immediately. A government which is credible, meets the expectations of the Lebanese people, can work with all (sides) in the country and international community” to take these reforms forward, he said. “Given the scale of social and economic impact in terms of economic losses, increasing poverty, increasing unemployment, I think it is extremely important that we have a government within a week to prevent further degradation of the Lebanese economy and the confidence in the Lebanese economy,” he said, speaking to The AP at his office in central Beirut.
“If there is a government within a week, first of all it will send a very positive signal to everyone. To the markets, investors, to the international community,” Jha said. Since banks in Lebanon opened again last Friday for the first time in two weeks, people have been rushing to banking institutions to withdraw money fearing that the country’s crisis would further deepen amid shortage in liquidity. The banks subsequently have been imposing irregular capital controls to protect deposits and prevent a run on the banks. The banking sector — a backbone of the economy — suffered a blow on Thursday when Moody’s Investors Service downgraded the country’s three largest banks into junk territory. The international agency downgraded to Caa2 from Caa1, the local-currency deposit ratings respectively of Bank Audi, BLOM Bank and Byblos Bank.
Two days earlier Moody’s said it lowered Lebanon’s issuer rating to caa2 citing the possibility of rescheduling the country’s massive debt. Jha said the “downgrading of several Lebanese banks … shows that the confidence in the Lebanese economy is very sharply declining.””It presents itself as a challenge to the Lebanese political leaders to really form the government as soon as possible,” he also said. Lebanon’s state-run National News Agency reported Friday that the country’s banks will be closed for two extra days over the weekend amid deepening turmoil and public anxiety over liquidity and sustained anti-government protests. It said the banks will be closed both on Saturday and Monday, along with the regular Sunday closure for the weekend. The report says this will allow for the observation of the holiday celebrating Prophet Mohammed’s birthday, which is set for Monday in Lebanon.
Lebanon is one of the world’s most heavily indebted countries.

Lebanon Protests a Boon for Street Vendors
Agence France Presse/Naharnet/November 09/2019
The smells of grilled cheese and cooked corn waft over the protesters in the Lebanese capital — with daily crowds filling the the capital’s main squares, the movement has been a boon for street vendors.Ibrahim is a plasterer by trade, but when he saw crowds flocking by the tens of thousands to Beirut’s Martyrs’ Square to protest against government corruption and incompetence, he knew it was not an opportunity to be missed. One day, he’s selling “kaak”, a round, savoury Lebanese bread covered in sesame seeds. The next, it’s corn on the cob or small trays of lupin beans dressed with cumin and lemon juice.
“It’s better than being out of work,” the stocky 27-year-old said. Times have been tough for many months, he said, with the country hit by an economic crisis that has not spared the construction sector.
– ‘New livelihood’ –
“For us, the revolution represents a new livelihood, and at the same time we are protesting with the people,” Ibrahim said. On good days, he earns between $35 and $40 with his food cart. Forced to abandon his education before age 18, he has been taking care of his sick mother since his father passed away.
“She has no social security or pension, I spend my life paying for doctors and medicines,” he said. A short distance away, the square resounds to the rallying cries of the protest movement which has rocked Lebanon since October 17: “Revolution! Revolution!” and “the people want the fall of the regime”.
A new group of protesters march past and Ibrahim quickly gets back to business, grabbing his cart from the car park where he had hidden it. When the demonstrations swell, police do not bother with street vendors, Ibrahim said.
But when rallying points empty out, security forces confiscate vendors’ goods and remind them that their activities are illegal. A little further on, several protesters have gathered around a cart serving punnets of corn and beans that its owner has dubbed the “revolution wagon”. Normally, Emad Hassan Saad plies his business on the corniche, Beirut’s seaside promenade. “We sell more here because there are more people,” the 29-year-old said. He has brought on three friends to help him out. The first peels lemons, the second chops them and the third pulls ears of corn from a pot of boiling water. “The rallies are a job opportunity for these young people, even if it’s only temporary,” Dana Zayyat, 21, said, munching on lupin beans. Her friend Jana Kharzal agrees. “This revolution has allowed young people who are poor to work, those who don’t have the chance to study or to rent a shop.” Youth unemployment is chronic in Lebanon, with more than 30 percent out of work, while almost a third of of Lebanon’s population lives in poverty.
– Fines –
Some vendors complain of the treatment they receive at the hands of security forces, even at their usual selling spots like the corniche, popular with Sunday strollers. One of their number, who did not want to give his name, said he had had to pay dozens of fines the equivalent of $300, or 20 day’s take.
Despite the risks, the manager of a hookah rental service took his chances and set up shop among the protesters. He gets to work in the evenings, when the demonstrations swell and police attention is elsewhere. Fifteen or so of his water pipes are lined up near a concrete wall in a car park in Martyrs’ Square, where his employees are busy serving customers.  He’ll leave “when the political class leaves”, he says between draws on a hookah. Not far away, a frail elderly woman offers red roses for sale to passers-by from where she is seated on the ground, despite the late hour.
A brown scarf encircles her weathered face and when protesters ask why she is out so late, she answers that she has no choice. “This country pushes the poor into the grave,” she says in a weak voice.

Geagea confers with Kubic over latest local developments
NNA/November 09/2019
Lebanese Forces Party Chief, Samir Geagea, met this afternoon with UN Secretary General’s Special Representative, Jan Kubis, in the presence of his foreign relations advisor Elie Khoury and the Party’s external relations department head, Elie Hindi. According to Geagea’s Press Office, discussions during the meeting focused on “the latest local developments in terms of the prevailing economic situation and the issue of forming the new government.”

Geagea Replies to Pompeo Remarks on Lebanon
Naharnet/November 09/2019
Lebanese Forces chief Samir Geagea on Saturday replied to statements made by US US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo about Lebanon. “With great thanks Mr. Pompeo, the Lebanese people need no help to come out of their living, social and economic crisis,” Geagea said in a tweet.
Popmeo had earlier said: “The Iraqi and Lebanese people want their countries back. They are discovering that the Iranian regime’s top export is corruption, badly disguised as revolution. Iraq and Lebanon deserve to set their own courses free from Khamenei’s meddling.”

Geagea Says Officials Seem to be Living ‘on Another Planet’

Naharnet/November 09/2019
Lebanese Forces chief Samir Geagea on Friday said that the country’s political leaders seem to be living “on another planet,” lamenting that there are no indications that the new government will be formed anytime soon. Geagea also accused Hizbullah of seeking a government similar to the resigned one by insisting on having its ally Free Patriotic Movement chief Jebran Bassil in it. The World Bank’s regional director on Friday urged Lebanon to form a new Cabinet “within a week” to prevent further degradation and loss of confidence in its economy. Prime Minister Saad Hariri resigned his government on Oct. 29 in response to the unprecedented protests which have swept Lebanon starting in the middle of last month. The protests erupted over proposed new taxes and have snowballed into calls for the entire political elite that has ruled Lebanon since the end of its 1975-90 civil war to step aside. More than a week after Hariri resigned, President Michel Aoun has not yet set a date for consultations with heads of parliamentary blocs who would name a new premier. There appears to be sharp divisions over whether the new Cabinet should be made up of experts only or include politicians.
Titles For The Latest Lebanese LCCC English analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on November 09-10/2019
Hopes of Young Lebanese to Escape Sectarianism Put to Test/Agence France Presse/Naharnet/November 09/2019
Lebanon: Political Disputes Among Aoun’s Three Daughters/Youssef Diab/Asharq Al Awsat/November 09/2019
From Iraq to Lebanon & Syria…the Threat is One and the Same/Eyad Abu Shakra/Asharq Al Awsat/November 09/2019
Lebanese fear economic chaos/Najla Houssari/Arab News/November 10/2019
Lebanon’s uprising: the era of impunity and blind obedience is over/Raghida Dergham/The National/November 09/2019
A New Arab Spring Is Unfolding in Iraq and Lebanon. But Things Could Get Bloody If Iran Gets Its Way/Bessma Momani/Time/November 09/2019

The Latest LCCC English analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on November 09-10/2019
Hopes of Young Lebanese to Escape Sectarianism Put to Test
Agence France Presse/Naharnet/November 09/2019
Lebanon’s protests are bringing out people from across the country’s spectrum of faiths and communities trying to throw out the entire ruling elite. They give a glimpse into a Lebanon transcending longtime divisions among sects. But the young protesters face an entrenched political leadership that depends on sectarianism and an older generation that fears disrupting it could bring back civil war. That threat resonates less with a generation that has little or no memory of a war that ended in 1990. The protests erupted over proposed new taxes but snowballed into calls for the entire political elite to go. For them, sectarian power-sharing is bound together with corruption and mismanagement that has impoverished them and left infrastructure so decrepit that power outages hit every day. Singer Tania Saleh grew up amid a civil war that robbed her of her childhood, of her friends and neighbors and of the Lebanon she so loved. For years, she has sung the pains of sectarian schisms. “You Lebanese have created 10 or 12 gods … You divided me. You aggravated me. You parceled me out and you became divided,” one of her songs says, imagining a conversation with God. “He who wants to pray … must understand that God, the creator, has not made one sect better than the other.”
Based on a poem written in 1975, the year the war broke out, the lyrics still felt searing and relevant enough for Saleh to add to an album in 2017. Now, the 50-year-old hopes younger Lebanese can make her country dance to a different tune, one that transcends sectarian divisions. She is inspired by the mosaic of protesters who have come together in the past weeks from across the religious, political and geographic spectrum, united in disdain for a political class they say has cheated them of a decent future. “The new generation is not like us,” she said. “We have seen too many tragedies and so we are scared.”
The demonstrators have provided those eager to see the country move past its sectarian legacy with a glimpse of what can be. But Saleh says she has no illusions about how long that path will be. Those aspirations are increasingly being put to the test by a system that delicately balances among 18 officially recognized sectarian groups. The system is locked into the country’s politics. The posts of the president, prime minister and parliament speaker are given to the biggest communities — Maronite Christian, Sunni Muslim and Shiite Muslim. Most political parties are explicitly based on sect, and politicians pass out patronage and jobs to their communities.
It is also engrained in society, where many fear domination by other sects and one sect’s gain can be seen as another’s loss. Looming over everything is the fear new violence might erupt if anyone wrecks the balance. That threat resonates less with a generation that has little or no memory of a war that ended in 1990. The protests erupted over proposed new taxes but snowballed into calls for the entire political elite to go. For them, sectarian power-sharing is bound together with corruption and mismanagement that has impoverished them and left infrastructure so decrepit that power outages hit every day.
Hiba Farhat, a 31-year-old Shiite protester, said politicians pit sects against each other so “people would say, ‘Ok, I accept corruption and I accept this leader; I just need him to protect me from the other sect.'”Slogans like “the era of sects has ended” and “a revolution against fear” are scrawled in graffiti and proclaimed on banners. At a recent protest, demonstrators poured into Beirut squares in response to calls to keep unified. Wearing a flowing black robe and a light-colored scarf framing her face, 25-year-old Huda Wissam smiled and swayed to the tunes of national songs as others rhythmically stomped their feet. With her was her 15-year-old brother and 20-year-old sister. “I am veiled and when I see a Christian smiling at me, I get reassured that we have shed off sectarianism,” said Wissam, a Sunni Muslim. “The challenge is for us all to remain together, Christian, Muslim, Shiite or Sunni … then we will succeed.”Her father, she said, wanted her to stay out of protests, warning, “This will lead to a civil war.”
“He doesn’t want his children to become victims for something that won’t happen. He has given up, but we won’t,” she said. “I don’t want to wait until I am my parents’ age and then there would be nothing I can do.”On a recent night, a small group of protesters sat on a sidewalk by the bell tower of a church in the northern Beirut suburb of Jal el-Deeb and took stock of how far they have come. “The grudges that they have planted in us, our generation has put an end to them. I no longer feel sectarianism. Lebanon comes first,” Charbel Elie, 32, told the group. He wanted to know what the protesters had gained.
“Today, we don’t ask what sect you belong to and what area you’re from,” and fear of criticizing leaders has been broken, replied Nayla Geagea, an activist and lawyer. She walked them through constitutional steps to forming a new government.
A 75-year-old man in the circle spoke up to say he had no questions but wanted to apologize to the younger generation for the country they were inheriting.
“We will fix it, uncle,” someone yelled.
But protesters have had to keep sectarianism from fragmenting their own ranks. Geagea pointed out that when the prime minister stepped down — one of the demands of protesters — some made it look like the demonstrators were targeting his Sunni community. “We have to defeat this rhetoric,” she said. Amid grumbling over roadblocks and fears of economic collapse, men shouting Shiite religious slogans and chants in support of Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah confronted protesters in one instance. Some Shiites who initially joined demonstrations have stayed away after Nasrallah — even as he expressed sympathy for protesters’ demands — accused foreign powers of exploiting them to undermine Hezbollah and warned against dragging the country into civil war. Tensions between opposing Christian factions have also run high. Some supporters of President Michel Aoun accuse rivals from the rightwing Lebanese Forces movement of seeking to topple him. The two sides fought each other brutally in the final years of the civil war. Aoun backers held a demonstration to support him and the president has called for unity. “The sectarian system will not get toppled through protests,” said one of them, 27-year-old Elias Khoury. “It will get toppled when the hearts, not the laws, change.”
The two are tangled together — a social mentality clinging to sect and a political class whose power depends on sectarianism.
“When you ask for the dismantling of the political sectarian system … you’re basically asking the current political elite to commit group suicide. They’re not going to do that,” said Maha Yahya, director of the Carnegie Middle East Center. The young “want basic, fundamental rights and for them they really have nothing to lose,” she said. “They recognize that this system hasn’t worked for their parents; it is not working for them.”Saleh, the singer, said she takes hope from a generation she feels is not as sectarian. Her son, she said, doesn’t care to know the faith of his schoolmates.
Just like her art, her life has been colored by Lebanon’s intricacies. Her world changed at only six. The civil war broke out and school friends and neighbors started disappearing. The Christians fled to other areas. Born to a Sunni father and a Shiite mother, Saleh would go out sometimes with a cross dangling around her neck, a statement of defiance to the fighters who stole the normalcy of her life.
The war pitted Palestinians against Lebanese, Christians against Muslims, Christians against Christians and every other combination possible.
As battles raged, Saleh and her family left too, again and again and again. They bounced from home to home, escaped briefly to Kuwait. These memories are seared in her mind. Her mother begging armed men to let them drive through. Listening every day in Kuwait to iconic Lebanese singer Fairouz belt out “I love you, oh Lebanon.””There is no hope for me to enjoy a proper country,” Saleh said. “But the hope is for our kids and grandkids. Let them start now better than waiting for when it’s too late.”

Lebanon: Political Disputes Among Aoun’s Three Daughters
Youssef Diab/Asharq Al Awsat/November 09/2019
With the beginning of popular protests on October 17, the family of President Michel Aoun was shaken with political disagreements, specifically between his three daughters, over the policies of Aoun’s son-in-law, the head of the FPM and Foreign Minister Gebran Bassil. Indications of a dispute emerged few months ago, when MP Shamel Roukoz, the president’s son-in-law, announced his withdrawal from the FPM’s Strong Lebanon parliamentary bloc. However, recent reports noted that Aoun’s daughter and advisor, Mireille (the wife of Roy Hashem, OTV channel’s director-general) has left the presidential palace due to a clash with Bassil, to later return to Baabda to assume her role but with restricted authorities. On Thursday, the Kataeb Party website quoted sources close to Mireille as saying that Aoun has asked her to no longer deal with politics, and to leave such affairs to Bassil.
In a television interview, Claudine, the wife of MP Shamel Roukoz, acknowledged the emergence of a new opposition within the FPM.
“There are different approaches within the same house, and in the end, the people voted and gave their confidence to the deputies. There is a great responsibility to be assumed today,” she said.Political disputes seem to threaten the personal relations between the sisters. Sources close to the FPM noted that the “lines of communication are almost cut between Chantal (Bassil’s wife) on one hand, and her sisters, Claudine and Mireille, on the other, especially following Bassil’s speech last Sunday from Baabda, in which he accused “relatives and strangers” of betrayal.
Naim Aoun – Aoun’s nephew – did not conceal the presence of disputes within the FPM. In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, he said that the consequences of these rifts would be more obvious following the formation of the new government. Despite his deep disagreement with the current FPM leaders, Naim tried to minimize the disputes between the three daughters. “There are no problems among the sisters at the family or personal level, but the political difference between them is clear,” he said. Both Mireille and Claudine did not attend the FPM demonstration held last Sunday in front of the Baabda Palace. In a television interview, Claudine lashed out at Bassil without naming him, and commented on popular demands on Bassil to stay away from the government, saying: “As the president’s daughter, I am ready to sit at home if it is in the country’s interest, because a total collapse would not exempt any party, but will affect all sides.”

From Iraq to Lebanon & Syria…the Threat is One and the Same
Eyad Abu Shakra/Asharq Al Awsat/November 09/2019
As US President Donald Trump congratulates himself on the ‘achievement’ of withdrawing from Syria, with the exception of the oil producing area, Western capitals seem to be in a hurry to calm the situation in Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen.
Everybody wants to facilitate forming new governments and contain tension; while no one seems to care about anything other than replacing one government with another, regardless of what the region is going through. Yet, since the outbreak of the current Lebanese uprising against the ruling elite and corruption three weeks ago, which led to the resignation of Saad Hariri’s cabinet, the Secretary General of Hezbollah made three appearances in which he resorted to ‘advice’, directives, accusations and threats.
Iraq is also going through a similar popular uprising calling for the resignation of the government and parliament. This uprising is sweeping the Shiite areas of central and southern Iraq, and has witnessed tearing down pictures of Iran’s Supreme Guide Ali Khamenei and the Revolutionary Guards Al-Quds Brigade commander General Qasim Soleimani. Incidentally, Soleimani had left Lebanon, a few days before, to Iraq, where he has been busy planning the containment and crushing of both uprisings.
In both cases, fingers have been pointing to the Iranian leadership, which is obvious; since it would be absurd to separate the terrible living conditions in countries like Iraq and Lebanon, from their virtual occupation and rule by Iranian-controlled militias. In Lebanon, Hezbollah’s occupation has been the direct cause of the country’s brain drain, lack of investment, concealment of widespread corruption, and destruction of its services sector. Likewise, in Iraq, the de facto occupation of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) and its constituent militias have been sucking dry the oil-rich country’s great wealth, including causing the closure of no less than 52,000 factories as Iran imposes its stranglehold on the Iraqi economy.
Two valuable contributions to the subject were recently published in the US, covering Iraq, Lebanon and Syria. The first, was an article by Samir Sumaidaie, a former Iraqi Interior Minister and former Ambassador to the UN and Washington, published by ‘The Atlantic Council’; and the second, was a report on ‘The Growing Threat to the Druze’ published by ‘The Middle East Institute’ with collaboration of ETANA-Syria.
Sumaidaie wrote: “In Washington, some believe that despite the protests in Iraq that began in early October and continue apace, the current Iraqi government should be supported and given help as it responds to the just demands of the protesters. The reasons given range from: “What is the alternative? The devil you know is better than the devil you don’t” to “This is the constitutionally elected government, and challenging it risks chaos.”
“That analysis,” he added “might be convenient, but it is wrong. It does not take into account what has led to this explosion of public anger.
The May 2018 elections were all but boycotted by the electorate. The turnout was claimed to be around 44 percent, but many believe it was much lower. That contrasts with the 60 percent turnout in recent previous elections even without all provinces fully participating. Then, in June 2018, a suspicious fire destroyed half of the ballots from the 2018 election, and the results were “adjusted” by an Electoral Commission (EC), which should have been independent but was not.”
He then pointed out to the fact that “the constitutionality of the current political system is open to challenge in other important respects”, including:
1- “The constitution forbids discrimination on the basis of race, religion, and sect, but the current political order is predicated on the Prime Minister being Shiite, the President Kurdish, and the Speaker of Parliament Sunni…
2- The constitution explicitly bans militias. But there exist in Iraq heavily armed militias (and not just the Popular Mobilization Forces, also known as the PMF) with declared allegiance to Iran…
3- Most importantly, the ruling clique has diverted the country’s revenue from oil—the country’s primary source of income—into the pockets of the elite through an elaborate patronage scheme and corruption (….) Young people would not go into the streets unarmed and aware that they face live bullets from the militias if they were not desperate.”
In conclusion, he wrote that “the Iraqi government, as it is constituted now and despite all past and present promises and claims to the contrary, does not have the political will or the capacity to deliver good governance.”
As for ‘The Middle East Institute’s report, under the title ‘Divide and Conquer: The Growing Threat to the Druze’, it maintained that “Deep political, familial, and religious ties have allowed Druze communities across the Levant to remain largely unified against external threats, but eight years of violence in Syria and a coordinated campaign by the regime and its allies now threaten to destabilize regional Druze politics and erode the sect’s political and military power. An Iranian-backed campaign by Hezbollah to incite inter-Druze violence in Lebanon has curtailed this unity, laying the groundwork for Hezbollah to expand into Syria’s Suweida province with impunity.”
The report added that “Hezbollah’s push to create inter-sect strife has extended from Beirut to the occupied Golan Heights to Suweida”, and went on explaining that:
1- Approximately 60% of all armed groups in the Suweida province are affiliated with Hezbollah, and it continues to work to recruit or co-opt partners there.”
2- Within Iran’s strategy, Hezbollah is launching a two-pronged attack on the Druze: One inside Lebanon, where it is working to divide the community and weaken its biggest political bloc headed by Walid Jumblatt through supporting and encouraging aspiring rivals; and inciting inter-Druze confrontation and violence in their Mount Lebanon stronghold. The other in Syria, where Hezbollah and the Iranian militias blackmail the Druze of Suweida (southern Syria) through organized crime, like kidnappings, assassinations, smuggling. Also in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, tensions and divisions are being fomented between the area’s Druze and Jumblatt.
3- As for Israel, “Hezbollah and the regime have clashed with Israeli forces at the Lebanese-Israeli border in recent weeks, and the controversial passage of a Jewish nationality law in Israel has seen relations between the Druze and Tel Aviv sour since the beginning of the year.” Exploiting the tension between the 1948 Palestinian (Israeli) – Druze and the Israeli right-wing government; more so after the ‘Jewish nationality law’ is hoped to neutralize the Druze there, and allow the pro-Iran militia to extend its influence to the eastern slopes of Mount Hermon adjacent to occupied Golan Heights.
The two aforementioned published works are extremely valuable to the understanding of the events in Iraq and Lebanon, as well as the strategic land ‘corridor’ Iran is creating between Tehran and Beirut through Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.
General Soleimani, who is virtually the ‘military governor’ of the three countries is going ahead with this project against the deafening silence – is it the collusion – of the International Community!
One sincerely hopes that the suffering stops and strong will of the Iraqis and the Lebanese proves strong enough to defeat this collusion.

Lebanese fear economic chaos
Najla Houssari/Arab News/November 10/2019
Banks witness pressure from depositors to withdraw funds for commercial purposes both in dollars or Lebanese pounds
BEIRUT: Lebanese worries rose on Saturday as economic chaos began to seep into the country’s life cycle. The dollar crisis is resurfacing. Lebanese banks closed on Saturday and will be closed next Monday for the Prophet’s birthday. Over the past two days, the banks witnessed pressure from depositors to withdraw funds for commercial purposes both in dollars or Lebanese pounds, but the banks were reluctant to pay them on the pretext of lack of liquidity. Social media reported many arguments between bank employees and customers. The financial situation was the focus of a meeting between caretaker Prime Minister Saad Hariri and Lebanese Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh on Friday night. It was also the focus of a meeting between President Michel Aoun and Governor Salameh on Saturday, Chairman of the Association of Banks Salim Sfeir and members of the board of directors of the association.
According to information distributed after the Hariri-Salameh meeting, Governor Salameh refuted with figures and facts the temporary measures taken by the banks “to protect the depositors and their money and maintain the stability of the lira’s fixed exchange rate (1,507 against the dollar) with the support of the great potential possessed by the Banque du Liban.” He stressed the necessity of accelerating the formation of a government that “rebuilds confidence and contributes to the restoration of things to the right level to relieve monetary and banking pressures.” Salameh described what has been happening as “a state of confusion resulting from the loss of confidence and fears of the development of political matters to the extent of unrest.” Sfeir assured the Lebanese that “things are under control and there is no need for fear or concern for the citizens on their deposits and their money. Despite precautionary measures that protect their deposits and protect the Lebanese pound, banks continue to serve their clients.”
Fady Gemayel, president of the Association of Lebanese Industrialists, met with Governor Salameh and complained to him about “the suspension of facilities, stopping transfers and the scarcity in hard currency, which does not allow the provision of basic raw materials necessary for the industry.” After the meeting, Gemayel said: “This puts the industrialists on the brink of collapse for reasons unrelated to them, and this collapse will first affect the banks.”However, the reassurances did not alleviate the confusion and concern of the Lebanese. Protests were held in Tripoli in front of money exchange bureaus, which closed their doors. Money exchange bureaus in Lebanon are pricing the dollar differently from the official dollar pricing. The dollar reached 2,000 Lebanese pounds on the black market because of low volumes.
Many fuel stations in Beirut and the region were closed due to the lack of stock, while other stations rationed the distribution of fuel. Fadi Abu Shakra, the representative of the companies and distributors of fuel, said the reason for this was that “the owners of the stations are struggling to get the dollars to buy fuel and that the stations are currently closing one by one because of running out of stock.”
Things are under control and there is no need for fear or concern for the citizens on their deposits and their money.
Salim Sfeir, Chairman of the Association of Banks
Two laboratories that produce vaccines told hospitals on Saturday that any hospital that was late in paying the laboratories would not get vaccines until it paid in cash, Al Markazia news agency (CNA) said. The Order of Nurses in Lebanon warned that “some hospitals have begun procedures to affect the salaries of nurses, on the grounds that hospitals did not receive their dues from the state treasury and guarantors, and the Order will be forced to take ominous escalatory measures because the nursing sector can no longer tolerate more prejudice.”
The street protests remained unchanged on the 24th day of the civil movement. The protest groups targeted the Foreign Ministry because “the ministry is not a public facility to serve the minister and his group,” amid heavy security deployment.
The political discussions on the issue of scheduling binding parliamentary consultations to appoint a new prime minister did not make any progress due to the preconditions for forming a government.
Asked whether the street protests are in a dilemma because economic concerns have overridden the anger of young protesters, Dr. Kholoud Kassem, a political sociologist, told Arab News: “We must not forget that what moved people on the street was the economic situation and people were not thinking about politics. People just want to live. The street uprising may have taken a second facet that is related to politics. But people are not taking into consideration the specificity of the Lebanese structure.”
Dr. Kassem added: “After this time, the revolution must monitor the daily reality and how it should move accordingly. What is happening now in the country puts the revolution in a dilemma if it is not directed by people who are known for their competence and lack of political affiliation. People need to be realistic. The structure in Lebanon that people want to change is not just ministers, deputies and presidents. It is a complex system in the Lebanese structure.” Dr. Qassem stressed that “the revolution has attained an achievement represented by monitoring and accountability. This was not available before, but there is an urgent need now for competent figures who follow this monitoring and follow-up what people have achieved.”

Lebanon’s uprising: the era of impunity and blind obedience is over
Raghida Dergham/The National/November 09/2019
The ruling class continue to bank on protesters running out of steam and returning to their previous modus operandi
Lebanon’s revolution shows no sign of abating but in the coming phase this will not matter, because the indifference of the ruling class and the coming economic collapse is leading to a dangerous new phase. The perseverance and multi-generational aspect of the Lebanese revolution have left the politicians in shock, after they assumed the protests were a fleeting emotional outburst that would inevitably fizzle out.
Despite their shock, they continue to bet on the uprising running out of steam, prompting protesters to go home, after which everything would return to normal – that is to say, corrupt politicians will return to their misdemeanours and their domination of the country’s resources and fate. However, the multi-generational revolution has created a new reality, despite the ruling class’s refusal to recognise it. The era of impunity and blind obedience is over. But the denial does not mean these men of power and sectarianism are not panicking. The coming social unrest will lead to mob hysteria against them and those close to them. If and when economic collapse happens, it will lead to shortages in fuel, food and other basic commodities in the next two months, precipitating a financial and social catastrophe. The young faces of the revolution must take all necessary measures to avoid descending into a mob mentality of wanton destruction.
The failure of the ruling class to understand the consequences of their deception, arrogance and greed, thinking that they can stall until the revolution has run its course, is dangerous and foolish, because it is not the youth who will tire first but the old men of the regime in Lebanon. President Michel Aoun’s delay in designating a prime minister to form a government to embark on serious, technocratic solutions to save Lebanon from total collapse could be a fateful gamble. Indeed, it could mean that he will be the person to blame if Lebanon descends into chaos.
Meanwhile, the Iranian leadership appears to be extremely panicked by the prospect of an internal eruption and an uprising against the regime, encouraged by the protests in Lebanon and Iraq. According to sources, Iran could be considering an escalation to divert attention away from what is happen domestically. Targeting tankers and other vital installations in the Gulf remains a possibility. In Lebanon, Iran is making frantic calculations, since Hezbollah is a precious card. The Iranians are keen to keep Lebanon under the yoke by ensuring Hezbollah dominates any government in Lebanon. Important decisions could be made in this regard, following a meeting of the Iranian leadership on Monday, decisions that could include extinguishing the Lebanese revolution at any cost.
It is not the youth who will tire first but the old men of the regime in Lebanon. Iran’s leadership has so far decided to treat the Lebanese uprising as something that targets corruption primarily rather than Hezbollah. This line of thinking is convenient for Tehran for now. But the question remains in the mind of Iran’s leaders: what kind of stability can be restored in Lebanon and where would that leave Hezbollah? Iran’s clear priority is that Hezbollah must step up its domination over Lebanon. The regime could resort to major escalation abroad to mask its failure, which has led to an economic crisis, isolation and sanctions. Leaders are currently in the process of ramping up Iran’s nuclear capabilities to provoke counter actions and rally nationalist support for their regime.
However, the sphere of influence that the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps boasts of commanding is no longer working. Iraq has entered a cycle of chaos which no political force, internal or external, can rein in. This cannot be reassuring for the IRGC, which once thought Iraq’s Popular Mobilisation Forces were its trump card in Iraq. What we are witnessing is a major blow to Iran’s regional expansionist project. Its leadership is studying frantically what its options are in Iraq and Lebanon to safeguard the PMF and Hezbollah from the Iraqi and Lebanese uprisings.
Hezbollah will continue to feel reassured as long as protesters do not demand that it disarms and hands over weapons supplied by Iran. The group is betting on the fidelity of the president and his son-in-law Gebran Bassil, and the alliance with their Free Patriotic Movement, to share power and control over Lebanon and its resources. So far, this alliance has resisted the formation of a technocratic government independent of political, ideological, partisan or sectarian dictats. It is still imagining the uprising will be quenched but this is delusional.
If Hezbollah comes to the conclusion that the revolution threatens its privileges, it has the arms to force a qualitative change in its trajectory and turn it from a protest movement into a civil war. For this reason, Hezbollah leads the camp rejecting the movement’s main demands.
If the decision to prevent the formation of such a government continues, Lebanon is on its way to the abyss. The protest movement must therefore hold onto the priority of installing a government of technocrats, then gradually demand other issues in parallel with efforts to prosecute the corrupt and restore looted public funds. Without a clean, independent government, no funds will come to Lebanon to rescue its economy from collapse. There would be no prospects either for new electoral laws or radical reforms.
What is coming will be very difficult. Hospital staff are already voicing alarm. The coming phase will chime with the pain of the people, who will no doubt blame the political class but could also blame demonstrators if they fail to develop achievable goals.
The time has come for international governments and institutions to pressure Lebanon’s leaders to stop stalling immediately, or they will be blamed for letting the country spiral into chaos.
The revolution, for its part, must be conscious of the necessity of preserving the state and its institutions. If the country descends into mass riots, the army has a responsibility to distinguish between civil rights activists and rioters. This is a dangerous and delicate phase but it will decide the fate of Lebanon.
https://www.thenational.ae/opinion/comment/lebanon-s-uprising-the-era-of-impunity-and-blind-obedience-is-over-1.935340

A New Arab Spring Is Unfolding in Iraq and Lebanon. But Things Could Get Bloody If Iran Gets Its Way
Bessma Momani/Time/November 09/2019
Since October, protests in Iraq and Lebanon have re-energized the Middle East region as hundreds of thousands of young people descend onto public squares, repeating 2011 Arab Spring slogans that call for regime downfall. But while Iraq and Lebanon could offer great promise if protesters learn from past failures in the region, they could also prove to be bloodier if Iran gets its way.
What the Death of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi Says About the War That Killed Him
Middle East protests that have taken hold in the past decade have had their own unique characteristics, but similarities between Iraq and Lebanon are uncanny. Both are highly segmented societies that have undergone painful sectarian civil wars. Both have power-sharing constitutions or political pacts that attempt to keep the peace by dividing spoils of the state, government roles and administrative positions, and parliamentary seats along ethno-sectarian lines. But the more ominous similarity is the well-known interference of Iran into their domestic politics.
Iran’s financial, political and military support for Lebanon’s Hezbollah and for Iraq’s dominant political class in Baghdad from the Dawa party to the Hashd al-Shaabi militant group is clearly menacing. In the early days of Iraq’s protests in October, black clad snipers believed to be Iranian forces took to Baghdad rooftops to take pot shots at protesters using live ammunition; in Lebanon, unknown assailants believed to be with Hezbollah tore down protesters’ tent encampments and physically assaulted protesters in Beirut streets.
Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has already expressed his views on Lebanese and Iraqi protests, a reminder that Iran knows how to deploy armed forces to tamp down protests. The not-so-subtle warning was not just about how Iran cracked down on its own 2017-2018 protests against corruption and economic gloom— arresting almost 7,000 people and reacting to protests with force—but how Iran effectively propped up the Assad regime to annihilate protesters with brutal force.
Protesters have learned from previous Arab Spring masses to use their vast numbers to barricade themselves from security forces and not give up an inch of Baghdad’s Tahrir Square and Beirut’s Martyrs’ Square. They use social media to garner global attention and keep the cameras rolling; and in the case of Iraqis, they find alternate means of getting their messages and videos out to the world when the government shuts down the Internet. Iraqi and Lebanese activists have used non-sectarian and nationalistic messages to counter the existing narratives of political incumbents. In Iraq, hashtags include ‘I want a nation’; in Lebanon ‘all of them, meaning all of them’. They have both held up posters that point to sectarianism as the source of ills in their countries. Increasingly they are also fighting against messaging from the Iranian government and its local media, which says protesters are paid tools of Western intelligence services.
In Lebanon and Iraq, protesters want an overhaul of the entire political structure that uses sectarianism as an excuse for ineptness, depends on cronyism that leads to systemic corruption, and encourages political in-fighting that leads to indecisive policies. Unlike previous Arab Spring movements, they are no longer satisfied with the mere removal of a prime minister here and a president there.
Both countries suffer from enormous dilapidation and underfunding of public infrastructure and services. Young protesters have no memory of foreign invasions and civil wars; they just want a functioning government to deliver consistent electricity, responsibly manage state budgets, and find ways to encourage job growth. Too many Iraqis complain that the security sector is one of the few places to find employment; young Lebanese feel that with 40% youth unemployment they have to leave the country with the vast majority of other Lebanese to find decent work.
Iraq sits on a healthy current account surplus, and earned $65 billion in oil export revenue in 2018 — yetits government cannot seem to provide clean drinking water to the oil-rich region of Basra. The Lebanese parliament had the audacity to ask for a 20 cent tax on citizens’ WhatsApp calls, while its Prime Minister had given $16 million to a South African supermodel for no clear reason.
Like previous Arab Spring protests, Iraqis and Lebanese see corruption as the cause of their countries’ ills. But they have an advantage that neither Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Bahrain, or Syria had: they are imperfect and nascent democracies. Using the ballot box to usher in competent new leaders is a strategy and avenue for change that other Arab youth did not have.
This is also a challenge as the structure of the democratic process in both Lebanon and Iraq favors sectarian parties over brokerage ones. The incumbent political class will not want to dismantle the inefficient sectarian system that brought them to power. And will Iran crush the protesters before they have a chance to get their technocratic caretaker governments? For now, the at times festive and carnival nature of the Iraqi and Lebanese protests mask nervous fears on the streets that Iran would deploy its local militias to put an end to the protests. That would foreshadow an end to the demonstrations, much like previous Arab Spring protests.
*TIME Ideas hosts the world’s leading voices, providing commentary on events in news, society, and culture. We welcome outside contributions. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors.
**Momani is Professor at the University of Waterloo, Senior Fellow at the Centre for International Governance Innovation and Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington.
https://time.com/5721115/lebanon-iraq-protests-iran/

The post A Bundle Of English Reports, News and Editorials For November 09-10/2019 Addressing the On Going Mass Demonstrations & Sit In-ins In Iranian Occupied Lebanon in its 24th Day appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

الياس بجاني/سمير جعجع ذمي ومكتر ويتعامى عن احتلال حزب الله ويقدم له أوراق اعتماده

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سمير جعجع ذمي ومكتر ويتعامى عن احتلال حزب الله ويقدم له أوراق اعتماده
الياس بجاني/10 تشرين الثاني/2019

في الشأنين الوطني والسياسي سمير جعجع رجل ذمي ومنافق وهو يناقض نفسه بنفسه ويتلون غب مصالحه وأطماعه السلطوية.

الرجل كان برر فرطه وقتله تجمع 14 آذار ودخوله صفقة الذل الرئاسية الفضيحة والصفقة التجارية بشعار هرطقة ونفاق “الواقعية، وضرورة الإهتمام بالأمور المعيشية.

واعتبر يومها في تبرير استسلامه وتعايشه مع الاحتلال ودويلته وحروبه وحكومته ووزيره الذي “يستعمل ربطة العنق.. كما فذلكت الإستسلام مي شدياق ما غيرها وذلك لتبليع اللبنانيين مداكشته الكراسي بالسيادة، اعتبر يومها بفجور واستعلاء وتخوين لمن عارضه من السياديين والبشيرين بأن حزب الله هو مشكلة إقليمية وليست لبنانية.. واتهم معارضيه بالغيرة منه وقال بوقه الإعلامي بان المعارضين هم هامشيين وعاطلين عن العمل ولا ادوار لهم.

واليوم وبعد أن تعرى هو وباقي شركائه من أصحاب شركات الأحزاب التجارية المرتي، وبعد أن نبذهم الناس وعروه وعروهم من كل مصداقية وذلك من خلال الثورة “وكلن يعني كلن” ..

ها هو مكانك راوح في عقم وعبثية وذل وتعامي رده على وزير خارجية أميركا السيد بومبيو الذي غرد يقول “بأن الشعبين اللبناني والعراقي يريدان استرداد بلديهما بعد أن اكتشفا بأن النظام الإيراني هو قمة في تصدير الفساد متلحفاً بما يسمه ثورة.. وأضاف بومبيو: “لبنان والعراق يستحقان التخلص من تدخلات الخميني وتحديد مساراتهم”.

جعجع تعامى في رده عن القرارات الدولية الثلاثة الخاصة بلبنان وهي اتفاقية الهدنة وال 1559 و1701، وتعامى أيضاً وعن سابق تصور وتصميم عن وجود القوات الدولية ومهماتها، والأخطر في ذميته أنه تجاهل كلياً الاحتلال الإيراني الذي هو سبب كل مصاعب وكوارث لبنان..

وهو أكثر من يعرف بأن الشعب اللبناني المعارض لإحتلال حزب الله وبعد ان فرط هو 14 أذار فقد من يومها التوازن النيابي والوزاري مع الحزب ومحوره.

كتب جعجع على التويتر شاكراً بومبيو وقائلاً له بأن اللبنانيين قادرين على الخروج من الأزمة الاجتماعية والاقتصادية.. وهو بباطنية وخبث وتشاطر بمفهومة الأعوج لم يأتِ على ذكر احتلال حزب الله في رسالة مشفرة يبدو انها تملق وتقديم أوراق اعتماد للحزب اللاهي.. مع أن بومبيو لم يذكر الاقتصاد بل فساد الخميني وتصديره للبنان والعراق.

نسال جعجع كما سأله احدهم على التويترمنذ قليل: بما انك لا تحتاج مساعدة أميركا فلماذا ترسل الوفود الواحد تلوى الآخر إلى واشنطن؟ ع الأكيد الأكيد ليس للتسويق للكبة والتبولة.!!! وصحيح يلي ما استحوا بعد ما ماتو.

في أسفل تغريدتي بومبيو وجعجع نقلاً عن موقع نهارنت.

Geagea Replies to Pompeo Remarks on Lebanon
Naharnet/November 09/2019
Lebanese Forces chief Samir Geagea on Saturday replied to statements made by US US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo about Lebanon. “With great thanks Mr. Pompeo, the Lebanese people need no help to come out of their living, social and economic crisis,” Geagea said in a tweet.
Popmeo had earlier said: “The Iraqi and Lebanese people want their countries back. They are discovering that the Iranian regime’s top export is corruption, badly disguised as revolution. Iraq and Lebanon deserve to set their own courses free from Khamenei’s meddling.”

The post الياس بجاني/سمير جعجع ذمي ومكتر ويتعامى عن احتلال حزب الله ويقدم له أوراق اعتماده appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

نشرة أخبار المنسقية العامة للمؤسسات اللبنانية الكندية باللغة العربية ليوم 10 تشرين الثاني/2019

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نشرة أخبار المنسقية العامة للمؤسسات اللبنانية الكندية باللغة العربية ليوم 10 تشرين الثاني/2019

اضغط هنا لقراءة نشرة أخبار المنسقية العامة المفصلة، اللبنانية والعربية ليوم 10 تشرين الثاني/2019

ارشيف نشرات أخبار موقعنا اليومية/عربية وانكليزية منذ العام 2006/اضغط هنا لدخول صفحة الأرشيف

عناوين أقسام نشرة المنسقية باللغة العربية
الزوادة الإيمانية لليوم
تعليقات الياس بجاني وخلفياتها
الأخبار اللبنانية
المتفرقات اللبنانية
الأخبار الإقليمية والدولية
المقالات والتعليقات والتحاليل السياسية الشاملة
المؤتمرات والندوات والبيانات والمقابلات والمناسبات الخاصة والردود وغيره

The post نشرة أخبار المنسقية العامة للمؤسسات اللبنانية الكندية باللغة العربية ليوم 10 تشرين الثاني/2019 appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

المخرج يوسف ي. الخوري: بين ثورة الفلاحين وثورة تشرين/في اليوم الرابع والعشرين لانبعاث الفينيق

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بين ثورة الفلاحين وثورة تشرين.
المخرج يوسف ي. الخوري/10 تشرين الثاني/2019

تُشبه ثورةُ 17 تشرين1 بظروفها ثورةَ الفلاحين التي قامت لدواعٍ معيشية بوجه مقاطعجيين أمعنوا في احتقار وإذلال فلاحي مقاطعة كسروان عام 1858. إن الأكثر تماثلًا بين الثورتين هم اللاعبون، وإذا ما تمعنّا بتطوّر ممارسة كل لاعب في ثورة الفلاحين، لربما تمكنّنا من استشراف ما قد تصل إليه ثورة 17 تشرين1.

لاعبو الخارج:
في ثورة الفلاحين: فرنسا، بريطانيا والسلطنة العثمانية.
في ثورة 17 تشرين1: الولايات المتّحدة الأميركيّة، إيران وروسيا.

في الثورة الأولى؛ كان هناك صراع على النفوذ بين الفرنسيين والبريطانيين في جبل لبنان، وكان من مصلحة العثمانيين أن تتعاظم الخلافات في أي منطقة من جبل لبنان كي تسنح لهم الفرصة من دخول هذه المنطقة التي كانت تتميّز عن باقي الولايات العثمانية بحكمها الذاتي وبخلوّها من أي وجود عسكري غير لبناني.

في الثورة الثانية؛ يعاني لبنان من الصراع الأميركي الإيراني في منطقة الشرق الأوسط، وبالتالي يتعرض لتجاذب النفوذ بين طرفي الصراع هذين. الروسيون الذين باتوا اللاعب الأبرز في سوريا القريبة يترقّبون وقد لا يُفوّتون فرصة التدخّل لو تيسرت أمورها.

لاعبو الداخل:
في ثورة الفلاحين: الفلاحون الثوّار، تجّار الزوق، آل الخازن المشايخ “المقاطعجيون”، السلطة.

في ثورة 17 تشرين1: الثوّار الشباب، البنوك والهيئات الاقتصاديّة، الأحزاب والعائلات الحاكمة، السلطة.

الثوار الشباب اليوم هم بمنزلة فلاحي العام 1858، المؤسسات الماليّة والهيئات الاقتصادية وجمعيّة المصارف هم الإسقاط لتجار الزوق عام 1858، الأحزاب والعائلات الحاكمة هم امتداد للـ “مقاطعجيين” المشايخ، أما السلطة المتمثلة اليوم بعهد التسوية فيُقابلها أبّان ثورة الفلّاحين يوسف بيك كرم وكيل قائمقام النصارى.

ماذا حصل في ثورة 1858؟
أطلق شرارة الثورة حينذاك تجّار الزوق بالتنسيق مع الفلاحين الجبليين وشباب جونية، وكان في نيّة التجّار التخلّص من نفوذ مشايخ آل الخازن والحلول مكانهم. قبيل اندلاعها وفي مرحلتها الأولى بقيت ثورة الفلاحين من دون قائد حتى تمّ التوافق على تسليم زمام القيادة لطانيوس شاهين الذي أنهى سلطة “المقاطعجيين” المشايخ وطردهم من كسروان. هنا صار من المفترض أن يتسلق التجّار إلى إدارة شؤون مقاطعة كسروان، وهو الأمر الذي ما كان طانيوس شاهين ليسمح به. تفاقم الوضع ودبّ الخلاف المخفي بين الفلاحين والتجّار.

لجأ التجّار إلى المكائد للتخلّص من شاهين، حتى أنّهم أعادوا التواصل مع المشايخ المُبعدين وتآمروا معهم ضده. في آخر المطاف التقت مصلحة المشايخ والتجار مع مصلحة وكيل قائمقام النصارى يوسف بيك كرم للتخلّص من طانيوس شاهين، ومن ثمّ نجح الثلاثة بإنهاء دوره في كسروان. مع تراجع دور القائد شاهين انطفأت شعلة الثورة!

إنّ ما سهّل قيام الثورة في العام 1858 هو الانقسام الذي كان حاصلًا بين مشايخ آل الخازن حول الولاء لقائمقام النصارى بشير أحمد باللمع، مع العلم أن الخازنيين المنقسمين كانوا عارفين باجتماعات الفلاحين السريّة، لكن لم يرِد إلى ذهنهم أن هذه الاجتماعات تحضّر لثورة ضدهم، بل اعتقد كل طرف منهما أن الفلاحين يناصرونه ويعقدون اللقاءات السريّة كي يكونوا جاهزين لتلبية ندائه عند ساعة الصفر.

في تشرين1 2019 سهّل قيام الثورة، الانقسامُ العميق الحاصل بين السياسيين التقليديين بزعامة حزب الله من جهة، والبنوك والهيئات الاقتصاديّة بزعامة مصرف لبنان من جهة ثانية، وهنا أيضًا لم ينتبه هذان الطرفان لوجود الجيل الفتي الذي انفجر ثائرًا في وجهيهما، إذ بدأت نشأته بالتزامن مع تولّي رياض سلامه حاكمية مصرف لبنان وحسن نصرالله أمانة حزب الله، ومن ثمّ كبر وأصبح ذا شان من دون أن يلاحظه أحدهما نظرًا لانشغالهما بإغراق الوطن بالفساد والسرقة والديون والحروب الدنكشوطية.

أخيرًا، من المحتمل أن يضطر أهل السلطة وأهل المال من الاتفاق فيما بينهما للالتفاف على الثائرين ومحاولة إجهاض حركتهم على غرار ما انتهت إليه ثورة الفلاحين، لكن هل يُعيد التاريخ نفسه وينجحون ويُقهر الشعب؟ هناك فرصة ألا ينجحوا وتتمثّل بأن ثورة الفلاحين سقطت بسقوط قائدها، بينما ثورة تشرين قد لا تسقط لأن لا قائد لها… حتى الآن.

في اليوم الرابع والعشرين لانبعاث الفينيق.

The post المخرج يوسف ي. الخوري: بين ثورة الفلاحين وثورة تشرين/في اليوم الرابع والعشرين لانبعاث الفينيق appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

د. منى فياض/اسمعوا جيدا.. إنها ثورة

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اسمعوا جيدا.. إنها ثورة

د. منى فياض/الحرة/10 تشرين الثاني/2019

تعب الأطفال، ذوو الأعمار الهشة في مظاهرة صيدا يوم السبت الفائت، فافترشوا الأرض. رفّ قلبي فاقتربت لأصورهم، التفتوا وتلقائيا رفعوا علامة النصر. سألت صبيا هناك: لماذا نزلت؟ احتار وقال “كل شيء مش منيح”. تهتف صبية: “نحنا مش وجع نحنا أوجاع”.

في إحدى الخيم التي نصبوها في الحديقة خلف تجمعهم، وجدت عددا من الناشطين المداومين هناك ليل نهار. قالوا لي إنهم بدأوا بالتظاهر منذ ما قبل شهرين، وهذا ما يرددونه في طرابلس، كانوا قلة وتأتي الأجهزة الأمنية فتقمعهم وتفرقهم. لكن تظاهراتهم لم تتوقف. ذات مرة تظاهروا بقرع الطناجر، وهي الخطوة التي انتقلت إلى بيروت لاحقا.

مساء الخميس في 17 أكتوبر عندما أعلن وزير الاتصالات في الحكومة المستقيلة ضريبة الـ 6 سنتات الشهيرة، نزلوا هم أنفسهم كعادتهم، لكنهم فوجئوا هذه المرة باستجابة المارة ودهشوا عندما أصبحوا أكثر من 400 شخص بلمح البصر.

قالت لي سيدة: “أصبح التشريج بـ 50 ألف ليرة بعد أن كان 38,5 ألف وهذا كثير جدا علينا”. ولقد أضيف عليها عبء 6 دولار. الغريب أن الوزارة تضع التعرفة الرسمية بالدولار! فرض المتظاهرون جعلها بالليرة دون ربطها بالدولار.

نظر إليّ أحد الفاعلين بينهم والعائد من ألمانيا لعدم تأقلمه هناك: “يقولون إننا نتمول من السفارات! نحن نجمع من جيوبنا ألف ليرة من كل واحد، ويكون مع واحدنا 5 آلاف (3 دولارات أو أقل مع انهيار سعر العملة)، تصوري رجالا مثلنا ليس في جيبهم أكثر من 5 آلاف! مع ذلك نجمع المال اللازم ونطبخ ونوزع الطعام. تهينهم بروباغندا تبعيتهم وتمويلهم من الخارج، وتتعمق الهوة. ثار الطلاب مؤخرا بعد اتهامهم بقبض 10 دولارات لكل واحد للنزول. من هم في السلطة يفترضون أن الناس تشبههم، مأجورة ومستفيدة.

المتجمعون هناك نصفهم عاطل عن العمل، البعض منذ ثلاث سنوات أو أكثر. سألت أحدهم كيف تعيش؟ “قال مع أهلي، وأخجل أن أعيش على كاهل والدي العامل في النجارة”. البعض الآخر يعمل ولكن بأجور منخفضة: “500 ألف ليرة شهريا (300 دولار أو أقل) دون أي ضمان أو تقديمات صحية واجتماعية. “أذلونا” يقولون بغضب، “سرقونا وجعلونا نقف على أبوابهم نتسول، ونرتمي على أبواب المستشفيات والمدارس والضمان والوزارات، وإذا أردنا أن نتوظف يسألون عن طائفتنا وزعيمنا وليس عن حقنا بالعمل وكفاءتنا. أذلونا نريد استعادة كرامتنا”.

السيدة التي اضطرت لترك عملها فتفرغت لأولادها قالت لي: “هذا النائب الذي يذلني أمام بابه ويهين كرامتي، ألا يعرف أن منصبه هو وظيفة أنا منحته إياها لخدمتي وليست حقا له كي يستفيد ويراكم الثروات”.

تعاين أمامك طفرة في الوعي انبثقت من تفشي القصور وسوء الإدارة ونهب المال العام والاحتقار الذي مارسه، ويمارسه، السياسيون عليهم وعلى حقوقهم.

تراكمت الشكاوى والتساؤلات والانتقادات، التي كانت كنداءات في الصحراء. لكنها فجأة سُمعت واكتست بالمعاني ووجدت لها اسما: ثورة.

كأنهم التقطوا شيئا كان موجودا في ما يشبه ما دون الوعي ولكنه في اقترابه الفجائي من الوعي تسبب بشرارة وها قد انبثق وعي جديد. فكرة قوية وانفعال قوي. وها هم يتجمعون معا ويشعرون بالقوة والتضامن. ينزلون رجالا ونساء، كبارا في السن وشبابا وأطفالا. الكثير الكثير من الشابات والشبان. يحملون أطفالهم مع غضبهم وآلامهم وعذاباتهم وكرامتهم المهانة في محاولة منهم للخروج من هذا القعر القاتم الذي أوصلوا أنفسهم إليه بخضوعهم طويلا لابتزازات وحيل الطبقة الحاكمة. يشجعون بعضهم بعضا وتختفي الحساسيات. وتولد منظومة قيم جديدة.

يعلّمون السلطة كيف تكون النظافة. فيكنسون ويجمعون كل يوم بقايا الليل. يعطون الدولة دروسا بيئية فيفرزون النفايات ويبيعونها ويشترون طعاما من المزارعين. جيل جديد نضج في غفلة عن الكبار وسبقهم. يعرف ما يريد، “نريد مدرسة رسمية بمستوى المدرسة الخاصة، لا نريد أن يدفع أهلنا الأقساط الخيالية كي نبقى دون عمل أو نهاجر، ونريد ونريد…”.

أكثر من عشرين يوما تكتظ بهم الساحات، صبايا وشباب دون حادثة تحرش واحدة أو عنف أو اعتداء أو سرقة.

إنها ثورة فاقت أحلامنا الأكثر تفاؤلا. رأينا فيها بروز الفرد المسؤول الحر من الولاءات العصبية والمذهبية والعائلية. يصرخ أحدهم: “كم واحد اسمه جورج؟” تتعالى الأصوات: “أنا أنا”. “كم واحد اسمه إيلي؟ كام واحد اسمه محمد؟ كام واحد اسمه علي؟” وتتعالى الأصوات “أنا أنا. شفتوا كلنا سوا”.

يهتفون: “القائد في غيره الوطن، ما في غيره. لن نعيد تجربة الأجيال السابقة كلن يعني كلن وزعيمك واحد منن”.

ثورة يحميها جيش الشعب في ظل علم واحد لونه أحمر وأبيض وتتوسطه شجرة؛ ربما هو الوحيد في العالم مع شجرة وكندا مع ورقة الأيرابل الشهيرة.

تمتلئ الساحات بأعداد من النساء تكاد تفوق أعداد الرجال. طفلات وصبايا وأمهات وجدّات، محجبات وسافرات، عاملات وربات بيوت. يغنين ويرقصن ويشعرن بالفرح. إنهن في عيد. والعيد، كالحرب والأزمة الاقتصادية تجعل المعادلات مختلفة وتتغير المفاهيم وتجعل من المرأة كائنا أقوى وأشد عودا. “إن التقدم في ميدان التفكير لا يحصل إلا في أوقات الأزمات الكبرى. خاصة عندما تهتز المؤسسات التقليدية أو تتغير لحصول حوادث تاريخية تساهم في قلبها على الأقل”، على رأي غاستون بوتول منظر الحرب.

حتى الأغاني القديمة اكتسبت معاني جديدة؛ واستعادت الأغاني التي كنا نتأفف منها مؤخرا:
تسلم يا عسكر لبنان
تعلى وتتعمر يا دار
وبحبك يا لبنان يا وطني
ويا حرية
حتى بعض أغاني جوليا (زوجة الوزير العوني إلياس بوصعب) مثل “أنا بتنفس حرية”، تغني مع بعض التجاذب الوجداني.

لكن أغنية مثل “بيكفي إنك لبناني” لعاصي الحلاني كانت ستثير الهزء على الأرجح قبل 17 أكتوبر، أثناء حالة الإحباط والقرف والاكتئاب السائدة حينها. لكنها الآن تملأ الساحات يرددونها بملء أفواههم وحناجرهم ويتلذذون بمعانيها.

“غطي الشمس بفيّ جبينك بحقّلك وطنك دينك لو هالدنيي سألت مينك قلن إنك لبناني.. بطل السلم وبطل الحرب همزة وصل الشرق وغرب تضل تحب وتنحب بيكفي إنك لبناني.. لبناني ومطرح ما تروح حامل وطنك قلب وروح”.

كذلك أغنية جوزف عطية، “لبنان رح يرجع” التي يقول فيها “لبنان رح يرجع والحق ما بيموت والشمس رح تطلع تزين سما بيروت.. من هون ما منفل حصرم بعين الكل بهالأرض بدنا نضل لو ضل خمس بيوت”. أو راغب علامة حين يغني “صار الوقت يا ناس تصرخ على العالي”، التي أرادوا منعها عندما نزلت الأسواق.

وبسرعة قياسية استولدت الثورة أغانيها:
علي العطار غنّى:
“قوم تحرك يا شعبي
غيّر هالحالة الصعبة
قوم تحرر ما تتأخر هيدي حقوقك مش لعبة

بدنا نبني دولتنا دولة تجسد وحدتنا \ تعرف قيمة قوتنا وآمال الشعب تلبي

بدنا دولة حكيمة تعمل لبلادها قيمة وتتطلع بهموم الناس ما تمشي عالتعليمة

دولتنا اللي منريدها بتملك قرارها بإيدها تحمينا بأيام الحرب ما تسحب منا إيدها”.

وأكثر الأغاني تعبيرا عن العلاقة بين الثوار ورجال السلطة أغنية كتبها شخص اسمه ابراهيم الأحمد، عبر فيها عن الحقوق المهدورة للشعب اللبناني، عنوانها “الشعب يريد إسقاط النظام”، يتحاور فيها مع مسؤول في السلطة والكورس يقول له، لا:

“أعطوني فرصة وبلا جرصة بس خلوني ضل.. طب شوفولي حل أعطوني مهلة صغيرة وسهلة بجيب الكهربا واللي خربها الله يوفقكن ما عاد أسرقكن.. أعطوني مدة بهيدي المدة بشيل الضرايب منبقى حبايب.. اعطوني شوي بجيب المي وبمنع الفساد وبلغي الاستبداد الله يوفقكن ما عاد أسرقن.. عندي خطة وما رح مطها بس وقفولي سب بجيب الواتساب.. أعطوني نتفة بخلي الكلفة أرخص من زمان يا شعب لبنان لله يوفقكن ما عاد أسرقكن.. أعطوني دقيقة وبلا نيقة صلح الأوضاع والحق اللي ضاع أعطوني وقت وهلق فقت بشيل النفايات بصلح الطرقات.. الله يوفقكن ما عاد أسرقكم.. أعطوني يوم بشيل هموم بظبط البلد بصدق بالوعد أعطوني لحظة ومنا مزحة برجع المسروق والوضع بروق… الله.. طب قولو شو بدكم:

بدنا يسقط الرئيس ومجلس النواب بدنا تسقط الحكومة تنبقى أحباب الشعب يريد إسقاط النظام”.

إنها ثورة لن تتوقف حتى تستكمل تحقيق ما خرجت لأجله: استعادة الحقوق كاملة، استعادة لبنان وطنا للجميع.

The post د. منى فياض/اسمعوا جيدا.. إنها ثورة appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

مكرم رباح/”الأخوين مرسال وجورج غانم”.. الإعلام لتلميع السلطة وتخويف الناس

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“الأخوين مرسال وجورج غانم”.. الإعلام لتلميع السلطة وتخويف الناس

مكرم رباح/المدن/10 تشرين الثاني/2019

عرف لبنان العديد من الأخوة والأخوات الذين عملوا في عالم الفن والغناء والتمثيل، منهم الأخوين جان وأندريه سعادة، اللذين سطع نجمهما في أواسط القرن المنصرم، في عالم المصارعة الحرة ومن ثم التمثيل ليصبحوا أيقونة لجيل واسع، انبهر بقدراتهما الرياضية والترفيهية، في إطار أخلاقي بعيد عن التزلف والخداع، اللذين وُصمت بهما تلك الرياضة. فكان أندريه يصرخ لشقيقه “جسِّر يا جان” حيث يبادر الأخير إلى تنفيذ حركته الشهيرة “التجسير” ويسلّم أخيه ليحل محله في الحلبة.

حذاقة وتفخيخ
وفي يومنا هذا، يحل مكان الأخوين سعادة جيل جديد من المرفِّهين، وعلى رأسهم الأخوين “الإعلاميين” جورج ومارسيل غانم، اللذين حوَّلا مهنة الصحافة إلى مصارعة حرة من نوع آخر، جعلت من منصاتهما حلبات لتمكين الطبقة السياسية وأصحاب الملايين من تلميع صورهم وتكذيب فضائحهم المالية.

في إطلالته الإعلامية الأسبوعية وضمن برنامج أخيه مارسيل، قدّم جورج مداخلة مطولة عن الثورة اللبنانية الجارية، وعن الأزمة السياسية التي رافقت استقالة سعد الحريري. استعراض جورج غانم التحليلي، والذي استمر أربع عشرة دقيقة، قَدم بشكل حذق إنما مشبوه، الأحداث القائمة، مفخخاً بنظريات نَعَت الثورة ورسمت نهايتها “الطبيعية” بالحرب الأهلية، رغم ما وصفه بالمطالب المحقة لأكثرية الشعب اللبناني. صراحة، مداخلة جورج غانم لم تستفزني، بقدر ما أكدت لي أن هذا الإعلامي “المرموق” ينتمي إلى شعراء البلاط، الذين فوتوا فرصة طلب الغفران من ثوار لبنان، وفرصة الانضمام إلى الشارع. والأمر الذي أثار حفيظتي هو استغلال جورج للتاريخ وعرضه للأحداث والوقائع وتأطيرها بطريقة لا تخدم أحداً سوى السلطة السياسية، في رسالة سامة كُلّف غانم على ما يبدو برميها في نهر الثورة الدافق.

مشكلة “منهجية”
كمؤرخ وأستاذ جامعي متخصص في تاريخ لبنان الحديث – ولاسيما الحرب الأهلية اللبنانية- استمعت إلى تأريخ غانم للفترة التي سبقت الحرب الأهلية اللبنانية، والتي حسب زعمه بدأت تحت غطاء مطلبي، ما لبث أن تسيس ليُدخل لبنان في دوامة العنف والفوضى. ركز غانم أيضاً على أن المؤامرة الدولية وُجدت في إطار الحرب الباردة والصراع العربي الإسرائيلي، مقارناً إدارة الرئيس الأميركي جيرالد فورد بإدارة ترمب الحالية، ومؤكداً أن لبنان وكما قُدّم لسوريا سنة 76 سيُقدم لإيران و حزب الله، وأن الشعب اللبناني بطريقة أو بأخرى سيضطر إلى تقبل هذا الواقع.

المشكلة ليست في نية جورج غانم رثاء الثورة وحسب، بل في منهجيته وفلسفته لعلم التاريخ. عزيزي جورج، إن حركة التاريخ على عكس مسرحيتك الأخيرة ليست بدائرية (cyclical) بل مستقيمة. وحركة البشر هي دائماً إلى الأمام، علماً أن الشعور بأن التاريخ يعيد نفسه هو فقط بسبب وجود البشر، المتغير الوحيد المشترك بين الأحداث التاريخية.

ليس مفاجئاً موقف غانم أو منهجيته، وهو الذي امتهن صناعة الأفلام الوثائقية التي غالبا ما تكون بمثابة قصائد مدح للممول أو الشخصية التي يحبها هذا الأخير أو حتى يكرهها. ففي آخر عمل لجورج غانم عن المصرفي اللبناني-الفلسطيني يوسف بيدس وفضيحة بنك انترا، قام غانم بسرقة كتاب الدكتور كمال ديب، وحوّره لينظف صفحة الطبقة السياسية التي تآمرت على بيدس، وأفلست إحدى أهم المؤسسات المالية اللبنانية على مر التاريخ.

التهويل على الشعب اللبناني
المؤامرة على الشعب اللبناني تبدأ وتنتهي عند الطبقة السياسية الفاسدة، التي تستعمل المنظومة الإعلامية اللبنانية لتهوّل على الشعب اللبناني، الذي نشأ على “بهلوانيات” شخصيات إعلامية هدفها الأول والأخير جمع المال والساعات واللوحات.

الشعب اللبناني والشباب الذين يملؤون الساحات لا يكترثون بريشارد نيكسون أو جوزيف سيسكو أو حتى السفير الأميركي في الأردن سنة 1976 ولا حتى بالرئيسين ماكرون وترمب، بل هم يكترثون فقط بمستقبل أفضل لهم ولأولادهم. ومحاولات تخويفهم بالحرب الأهلية والعنف لن تردعهم عن المطالبة بحقهم في الحياة.

الثورة اللبنانية ليست فقط نتيجة أزمة سياسية أو مالية، بل هي وليدة سقوط أخلاقي لطبقة سياسية وبعضٍ من الإعلاميين الذين لا يزالون يعتقدون أن خُدعهم، التي تعود إلى القرون الوسطى ما زالت تفلح في وقتنا هذا. التاريخ اللبناني يُكتب الآن في شوارع ومدن لبنان وبلدان الانتشار بدموع المنتفضين، الذين شفَوا من أمراض العالم القديم وأفكار الطغاة ولو بقالب حضاري، وليس على شاشات التلفاز عبر أبواق أشخاص من فصيلة الأخوين غانم.

المواجهة مع الطبقة الحاكمة وإعلامه مستمرة، وطريق إنقاذ لبنان من نفسه طويل وشاق. لكنه يستحق العناء. وإلى ذلك الحين أقول لـ”هيرودوتس” التاريخ اللبناني “جسّر يا جورج”.. فالشعب اللبناني بات أكثر وعياً وإدراكاً من ذي قبل.

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مقالة للياس بجاني ذات صلة بمحتواها للمقالة في أعلى
برنامج مرسال غانم “صار الوقت”  يسوّق لصنمية ودكتاتورية وأدوار أصحاب شركات الأحزاب في لبنان
الياس بجاني/07 تشرين الثاني/2019/اضغط هنا لقراءة المقالة

The post مكرم رباح/”الأخوين مرسال وجورج غانم”.. الإعلام لتلميع السلطة وتخويف الناس appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.


ريتا ما تخافي…وشُفيت بشفاعة مار شربل

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“ريتا ما تخافي”… وشُفيت بشفاعة مار شربل!
Miracles of Saint Charbel – Annaya

10 تشرين الثاني/2019

السيدة ريتا عبدالله مزرعاني زوجة مسعود ابو زيد من مواليد زحلة 1986 وام لولدين . مقيمة في الفنار ورقم الهاتف 70191517 . وكما تخبر عن حالتها الصحية : ” انه بتاريخ 22 ايار 2018 تعرضت لحرارة مرتفعة وصلت الى الاربعين درجة مع وجع اليم تحت الابط .

دخلت مستشفى هارون لمدة اسبوع ومن بعدها ادخلت الى العناية الفائقة حيث ملات المياه جسمي ووصلت المياه لعضل القلب والرئة وتم تشخيص مرضي بال”بنينوميا” واعطيت العلاجات لكن حالتي الصحية تدهورت كثيرا فاعطتني شقيقتي ترابا وزيتا من القديس شربل بتاريخ 28 ايار فشربت نقطة من الزيت واكلت حبة تراب وانا في العناية شاهدت مار شربل على شباك الغرفة وفتح عيونه وقال لي على مرتين “ريتا ما تخافي” وعند الصباح نقلوني الى مستشفى الجامعة الاميركية وصرت آخذ حبة تراب يوميا وابلعها وكنت اقول لمار شربل كنت اصلِّي واطلب الشفاء لغيري لكنني اليوم اطلب منك ان تشفع بي عند ربي وتشفيني كرمال طفلي وزوجي .

وبعد 48 ساعة في العناية الفائقة تم تشخيص مرضي وهو مرض “البلعمة” ايتش ل ايتش” حيث ابتداوا بعلاجي الكيميائي المخصص له وكنت اخذ تراب مار شربل عند كل جلسة وكان الامل مقطوع بشفائي .

ولما وصلت للرقم 8 في الجلسات الكيميائية اطلعت الدكتورة سالي تمرز على حالتي وارادت ان تتابع العلاج فظهر علي مار شربل وسمعته يقول لي “عم تاخدي الدواء وقفي” وتم شفائي وخرجت الى بيتي وعائلتي بشفاعة مار شربل امام اندهاش الجسم الطبي لشفائي . فجئت مرفقة بكامل التقرير الطبي لاشكر مار شربل على شفاعته بي وسجلت الاعجوبة بتاريخ 10 تشرين الثاني 2019 .

The post ريتا ما تخافي… وشُفيت بشفاعة مار شربل appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

A Bundle Of English Reports, News and Editorials For November 10-11/2019 Addressing the On Going Mass Demonstrations & Sit In-ins In Iranian Occupied Lebanon in its 25th Day

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A Bundle Of English Reports, News and Editorials For November 10-11/2019 Addressing the On Going Mass Demonstrations & Sit In-ins In Iranian Occupied Lebanon in its 24th Day
Compiled By: Elias Bejjani
November 10-11/2019

Titles For The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News published on November 10-11/2019
Protests widen in Lebanon, turn into major political-financial crisis
The Sunday of Determination marking the 25th day of the Lebanese uprising
Lebanon: Cabinet Talks in Stalemate as Hezbollah Rejects Being Forced Into Concessions
Raad Says Hizbullah Won’t be Intimidated by ‘Fabricated Battles’
Hezbollah says its ‘arms won’t be twisted’ as crisis deepens
Protesters Flood Lebanon Squares on ‘Sunday of Insistence’
Reports: Hariri to Agree to Techno-Political Govt., Consultations Wednesday
Bassil Warns against Amnesty Law that would Strengthen ‘Crime’
Salameh to Hold Press Conference Monday
Thousands keep up street pressure on Lebanon’s political class
Former Hezbollah Chief Accuses Khamenei of ‘Protecting’ Corruption in Iraq, Lebanon

The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News published on November 10-11/2019
Protests widen in Lebanon, turn into major political-financial crisis
The Arab Weekly/November 10/2019
Beirut – Young protesters swelled the ranks of demonstrators in Lebanon as the essentially peaceful movement morphed into a major political and financial crisis in the severely debt-strapped country. Thousands of students took to the streets in Lebanon but demonstrations remained peaceful despite attempts by militants affiliated with pro-Iran Shia groups Hezbollah and Amal to disrupt them. Students blocked traffic in Beirut and demanded the removal of the political class and its sectarian-based power-sharing system. After blocking roads for days, protesters switched to preventing access to institutions accused of mismanagement and corruption.
The youth unemployment rate stands at more than 30% in Lebanon. There has been no apparent progress made since Saad Hariri resigned as prime minister but Hariri did meet with Lebanese President Michel Aoun on November 7. Lebanese protesters’ grievances initially focused on poor infrastructure and public services but quickly grew into an unprecedented nationwide push to drive out an elite they accuse of ruling the country like a cartel for decades. Some protesters were critical of the country’s sectarian arrangements that underlie its political system and patronage ramifications. Leadership positions in the state are distributed among Maronite Christian, Sunni Muslim and Shia Muslim representatives. In addition to party affiliation, sectarian considerations also affect access to jobs and social privileges. The issue sets protesters against most of the ruling class. “When you ask for the dismantling of the political sectarian system… you’re basically asking the current political elite to commit group suicide. They’re not going to do that,” Maha Yahya, director of the Carnegie Middle East Centre, told the Associated Press. The young people “want basic, fundamental rights and for them they really have nothing to lose,” she said. “They recognise that this system hasn’t worked for their parents; it is not working for them.” Faced with a serious power vacuum, Aoun has yet to formally start the process of consulting with politicians to nominate a new prime minister. Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri said Hariri insisted he be nominated again as prime minister, saying this was “for the good of Lebanon.”
The cabinet has stayed on in a caretaker capacity but efforts to form a new lineup seem to have stalled. Hariri said his resignation was a response to the demands of protesters, who want a government devoid of politicians accused of corruption. Both Aoun and Berri are allies of Hezbollah, which has not said which candidate it backs to head the next government. Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah has accused foreign powers of instigating the unrest. Political actors in Lebanon expressed scepticism about the outcome of the talks. Leading Druze politician Walid Jumblatt took aim at Hariri and Lebanese Foreign Minister Gebran Bassil, who is also Aoun’s son-in-law, writing on Twitter that, despite the protests and social and economic dangers, the two “were meeting on how to improve and beautify” a political deal they struck in 2016.
Amine Gemayel, whose Kataeb Party was not part of the outgoing cabinet, said the main players had not understood the depth of the protest movement. “I don’t see any change in the behaviour of any of the main actors after everything that happened,” he told Reuters.
There are concerns the situation could lead to a major economic crisis. Gemayel said Lebanon was near “a huge monetary and financial collapse.” The protests led to a 2-week closure of banks. Although financial institutions reopened November 1, restrictions on international transfers and withdrawals of hard currency created new concerns. Capital inflows vital to financing Lebanon’s state budget and trade deficits have been slowing for years, contributing to a scarcity of foreign currency and the emergence of a black market for the Lebanese pound.
Addressing one of the demands of the protesters, prosecutors are investigating allegations of corruption among senior officials. Former Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Siniora was questioned November 7 regarding how $11 billion in state funds was spent while he was in power from 2005-09. On November 6, the World Bank warned that a failure to quickly form a Lebanese government that meets protesters’ demands could lead to an even sharper economic downturn.

The Sunday of Determination marking the 25th day of the Lebanese uprising
Tala Ramadan/Annahar/November 10/2019
Even though the government announced an emergency reform package, the protests have continued to grip Lebanon and protesters continue to demonstrate against the ruling class.
BEIRUT: For the 25th day, students, teachers, mothers, and professionals mobilized in ever-greater numbers, making demands that are both specific and broad all around Lebanon this Sunday. Even though the government announced an emergency reform package, the protests have continued to grip Lebanon and protesters continue to demonstrate against the ruling class. Secularism march, mothers demanding for their right to pass their nationality to their children, and students protesting for a better future, made their ways to Beirut’s Riad Al Soloh Square to reach a wider audience. Some parents made sure to engage their children in the political activism, “I want my children to take part in this revolution, and I want them to grow in a better Lebanon,” Razane Naccache told Annahar. During morning hours, several protests took place around different locations around Lebanon. Zaytouna Bay was packed with citizens who took the grounds and gathered for a picnic, where they had a traditional Lebanese breakfast as a new type of protesting against the illegal acquisition of coastal properties and to reclaim it as a public space. A protester in Riad El Solh told Annahar, “we won’t stop protesting until we overthrow the whole current political figures.” In parallel, other protesters also gathered outside Kleiyat airport, which has not started operating yet, demanding for its reopening as it could be of a facility of high importance for the region. The highlight of the Sunday of Determination is the “Revolutionary Court” which was installed in the Riad Al Solh Square where actors mocked a trial for public figures who have allegedly taken money from the public funds. Jessica, another protester, told Annahar that the movement that is currently taking place is crucial to fight all the corruption in the country. The scene in Tripoli is still witnessing crowds protesting in the thousands. In the southern coastal city of Saida, protesters also gathered to keep their voices high enough to show that nothing will shut their momentum down. Lebanon has been swept by 25 days of protests against a political class accused of corruption, mismanagement of state finances and pushing the country toward an economic collapse unseen since the 1975-90 civil war.

Lebanon: Cabinet Talks in Stalemate as Hezbollah Rejects Being Forced Into Concessions
Asharq Al-Awsat/Sunday, 10 November, 2019
Talks among Lebanon’s political parties to agree on a new government are still deadlocked, three senior sources said on Sunday, as Hezbollah indicated it would not be forced into concessions.
The latest failure to break Lebanon’s political impasse will worsen pressures on an economy gripped by a deep crisis. Since reopening a week ago, commercial banks have been seeking to stave off capital flight by blocking most transfers abroad and imposing curbs on hard-currency withdrawals, though the central bank has announced no formal capital controls. A big part of Lebanon’s economic crisis stems from a slowdown of capital inflows which has led to a scarcity of US dollars and spawned a black market where the Lebanese pound has weakened below its official pegged rate. A meeting on Saturday evening between caretaker Prime Minister Saad Hariri and senior officials from Hezbollah and its ally Amal movement failed to yield any breakthrough towards forming the new cabinet, the sources said. “The crisis is deepening,” one source familiar with Hariri’s position said. A senior source familiar with the view of Hezbollah and Amal said: “Nothing has changed. So far the road is completely blocked.” A third senior source said the situation was still deadlocked. Hariri resigned on Oct. 29 in the face of unprecedented protests fuelled by poverty, joblessness and lack of basic services like electricity.
Hariri wants to lead a technocratic government devoid of other politicians, while Amal, Hezbollah and the Free Patriotic Movement, which has been founded by President Michel Aoun and is now led by his son-in-law caretaker Foreign Minister Jebran Bassil, want a government mixing technocrats and politicians.
The source familiar with Hariri’s views has said he believes a cabinet composed of both technocrats and politicians would not be able to secure Western assistance and would also anger protesters who want to see a change of leadership. Hariri reiterated his position in the meeting with caretaker Finance Minister Ali Hassan Khalil of Amal and top Hezbollah official Hussein Khalil, the senior source familiar with Hezbollah and Amal’s view said. Both Hezbollah and Amal communicated their view – that Hariri should return as premier of a new ‘technopolitical’ cabinet — at the meeting. Hariri said he would only agree to head a technocratic cabinet. “Practically, what he wants is a government devoid of Hezbollah,” the senior source said. “After 10 days have passed, matters must be decided.”The source familiar with Hariri’s position said he believed Hezbollah, Amal and the FPM were seeking the inclusion in the cabinet of politicians rejected by the protesters. These include Bassil. “If these faces return to government we will have pushed the street to return to protest in a greater way,” the source familiar with Hariri’s position said. In a statement apparently referring to the deadlock and to Hezbollah’s loss of fighters in various conflicts, the head of Hezbollah’s parliamentary bloc, Mohammad Raad, said: “Our arms will not be twisted nor can we be neutralized from achieving the goals of the martyrs.”

Raad Says Hizbullah Won’t be Intimidated by ‘Fabricated Battles’
Naharnet/November 10/2019
The head of Hizbullah’s parliamentary bloc MP Mohammed Raad on Sunday stressed that his party “cannot be strong-armed” and that “fabricated battles” linked to the ongoing popular uprising in the country will not deviate Hizbullah’s attention from its main objectives. “We cannot be strong-armed and neither partial concerns nor fabricated battles imposed by others every now and then can derail us from the course of fulfilling martyrs’ goals,” Raad said at a ceremony marking Hizbullah’s ‘Martyr Day’ in Nabatiyeh. “Martyrs are the ones who created the sovereign atmosphere in which every change or reform seeker and every anti-corruption protester can be active,” Raad added. “We share the goal of combating corruption, lifting immunity off corrupts and recovering stolen funds… with all the honest people who rose up and took to the streets… but we want others to respect our experience and realize that their movement is within the atmosphere provided to them by our martyrs, mujahideen and heroes,” Raad went on to say. The Hizbullah lawmaker also warned the protest movement against “launching arbitrary accusations” or “hurling insults against icons, especially those related to the leadership of the purest, most honorable and noblest people.” “We want to combat corruption, we respect others’ experience and we are keen on the success of their experience, and we warn them that someone might infiltrate their movement to take them into a course that would plunge the country into the wishes of the enemies,” Raad added.

Hezbollah says its ‘arms won’t be twisted’ as crisis deepens
Reuters, Beirut/Sunday, 10 November 2019
Political talks to agree an urgently needed Lebanese government are still deadlocked, three senior sources said on Sunday, as the Shia group Hezbollah indicated it would not be forced into concessions. The latest failure to break Lebanon’s political impasse will worsen pressures on an economy gripped by its deepest crisis since the 1975-90 civil war, amid protests against a political establishment widely regarded as corrupt and inept. Since reopening a week ago, commercial banks have been seeking to stave off capital flight by blocking most transfers abroad and imposing curbs on hard-currency withdrawals, though the central bank has announced no formal capital controls. A big part of Lebanon’s economic crisis stems from a slowdown of capital inflows which has led to a scarcity of US dollars and spawned a black market where the Lebanese pound has weakened below its official pegged rate.
A meeting on Saturday evening between caretaker Prime Minister Saad Hariri and senior officials from Hezbollah and its Shia ally Amal Movement failed to yield any breakthrough towards forming the new cabinet, the sources said.
“The crisis is deepening,” one source familiar with Hariri’s position said. A senior source familiar with the view of Hezbollah and Amal said: “Nothing has changed. So far the road is completely blocked.” A third senior source said the situation was still deadlocked. Hariri quit on October 29 in the face of unprecedented protests fueled by poverty, joblessness and lack of basic services like electricity. Hariri wants to lead a technocratic government devoid of other politicians, while Amal, Hezbollah and its Christian ally the Free Patriotic Movement want a government mixing technocrats and politicians.
‘Nothing has changed’
The source familiar with Hariri’s views has said he believes a cabinet composed of both technocrats and politicians would not be able to secure Western assistance and would also anger protesters who want to see a change of leadership. Hariri reiterated his position in the meeting with caretaker Finance Minister Ali Hassan Khalil of Amal and top Hezbollah official Hussein Khalil, the senior source familiar with Hezbollah and Amal’s view said. Both Hezbollah and Amal communicated their view – that Hariri should return as premier of a new ‘technopolitical’ cabinet – at the meeting. Hariri said he would only agree to head a technocratic cabinet. “Practically, what he wants is a government devoid of Hezbollah,” the senior source said. “After 10 days have passed, matters must be decided.”The source familiar with Hariri’s position said he believed Hezbollah, Amal and the FPM were seeking the inclusion in the cabinet of politicians rejected by the protesters. These include FPM leader Gebran Bassil, foreign minister in the outgoing cabinet and a son-in-law of President Michel Aoun. “If these faces return to government we will have pushed the street to return to protest in a greater way,” the source familiar with Hariri’s position said. One dollar was buying 1,800 pounds or more on Friday compared to 1,740 on Thursday, two market sources said. The pegged rate is 1,507.5 pounds. In a statement apparently referring to the deadlock and to Hezbollah’s loss of fighters in various conflicts, Hezbollah lawmaker Mohammad Raad said: “Our arms will not be twisted nor can we be neutralised from achieving the goals of the martyrs.”Lebanon’s highest Christian authority urged the president to hasten the appointment of a prime minister and the formation of a government that meets protesters’ demands. “The country’s situation cannot withstand another day of delays,” Maronite Patriarch Bechara Boutros Al-Rai said.

Protesters Flood Lebanon Squares on ‘Sunday of Insistence’
Naharnet/November 10/2019
Protesters rallied Sunday in downtown Beirut and across the country to press for their demands, as Lebanon’s unprecedented popular uprising entered its 25th day. In the morning, protesters had organized a “Lebanese breakfast” at the privately-run Zaitunay Bay promenade to stress that the area is public and not private property and to call for an end to seaside property violations. Sunday’s protests were held under the slogan “Sunday of Insistence”.Grievances driving Lebanon’s protests range from power cuts and poor social security to alleged state corruption. The government yielded to popular pressure and stepped down last month, with the World Bank urging the quick formation of a new cabinet to prevent the economy from deteriorating further. Protesters on Sunday denounced the ongoing delay in setting a date for the binding parliamentary consultations to name a new premier.
President Michel Aoun has argued that the delay is necessary to secure consensus over the shape of the new government amid the critical situations in the country.

Reports: Hariri to Agree to Techno-Political Govt., Consultations Wednesday
Naharnet/November 10/2019
Caretaker Saad Hariri is inclined to agree to proposals to form a 22-member techno-political government led by him and the binding parliamentary consultations will likely be held Wednesday, media reports said. The reports follow a meeting at the Center House between Hariri, Speaker Nabih Berri’s aide Ali Hassan Khalil and Hizbullah chief Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah’s assistant Hussein Khalil. The conferees “discussed the governmental situation and its various details without reaching a final agreement in this regard, but they agreed that each party would give its answers by Monday at the latest,” MTV reported Sunday. “Things are expected to be settled prior to the televised address of Hizbullah’s secretary-general, which is scheduled for tomorrow,” MTV added. “Hariri delved into details with his two guests and seemed to be cautious, but he rejected to name any premiership candidate other than him when asked by one of his guests, which was considered as an indication that he will accept to form the government himself,” the TV network added. “Discussions touched on forming a 22-minister techno-political government and Hariri will give his final answer in the coming hours, with the possibility of holding a new tripartite meeting or a bilateral meeting between Hariri and Minister Khalil,” MTV said. The domestic efforts have coincided with a series of external contacts, especially between an Arab country and Tehran, with the aim of “speeding up the formation of the government and sparing Lebanon any security deterioration.”An envoy from French President Emmanuel Macron is meanwhile scheduled to arrive in Lebanon Tuesday to push in the same direction.“The consultations will begin Wednesday should Hariri’s response be positive,” MTV added.

Bassil Warns against Amnesty Law that would Strengthen ‘Crime’
Naharnet/November 10/2019
Free Patriotic Movement leader MP Jebran Bassil on Sunday warned against approving an amnesty law that would “consolidate the strength of crime.” “As if we haven’t learned from the amnesty laws that were approved after the war, which eliminated the principle of accountability and opened the doors wide to corruption,” Bassil tweeted. “Today the people are calling for putting on trial every suspect and holding accountable every wrongdoer and we support the harshening of penalties and approving anti-corruption laws,” Bassil added. “Instead of consolidating the strength of crime, we must consolidate the strength of the judiciary,” he said. Parliament is scheduled to discuss a general amnesty draft law on Tuesday. MP Yassine Jaber has announced that those accused of financial crimes cannot benefit from the proposed law.

Salameh to Hold Press Conference Monday
Naharnet/November 10/2019
Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh is scheduled to hold a press conference Monday at 12:30 pm, the National News Agency said. The press conference at the central bank will tackle “the central bank’s stance on the issues pertaining to banking services ahead of the normal resumption of banking operations on Tuesday,” NNA said. Lebanese bankers and officials tried to calm a worried public Saturday, telling them that all deposits are guaranteed and “there is no need for panic.”The country’s financial troubles have worsened since nationwide protests — initially against new taxes — snowballed into calls for the entire political elite to step down. Banks reopened Nov. 1 after a two-week closure amid the protests. But depositors have rushed to withdraw their money in recent days, while the country’s various lenders have imposed varying capital controls that differ from bank to bank. The announcement by Salim Sfeir, chairman of the Association of Banks in Lebanon, came after a two-hour meeting between President Michel Aoun, several caretaker Cabinet ministers and top banking officials in search of solutions for Lebanon’s deepening financial and economic crisis.

Thousands keep up street pressure on Lebanon’s political class
AFP/Monday, 11 November 2019
Thousands protested on Sunday across Lebanon against the ruling class for a fourth consecutive week, as they await a new cabinet two weeks after demonstrations forced the premier to resign. The country has since October 17 been swept by an unprecedented cross-sectarian protest movement against the entire political establishment, which is widely seen as irretrievably corrupt and unable to deal with a deepening economic crisis. The protests triggered Prime Minister Saad Hariri to tender the resignation of his government on October 29, but he remains in a caretaker capacity and maneuverings are still ongoing to form a new cabinet. Dubbed “Sunday of Determination”, the day was marked by huge rallies in several cities from the afternoon onwards. From the capital Beirut to Sidon and Tyre in the south up to Tripoli in the north, the ranks of protesters on the streets swelled from the early evening.
Brandishing Lebanese national flags, the protesters demanded that the formation of a new government be accelerated. They once again insisted any incoming cabinet be comprised of technocrats and be independent of established political parties. “We will not leave the streets before our demands are totally satisfied!” shouted one young protester into the microphone of a local broadcaster. “We are more determined than ever,” she insisted. Since Hariri resigned, political bargaining has stumbled over the shape of a new government. Hassan Nasrallah, the head of the powerful Shiite movement Hezbollah, is on Monday due to deliver a televised speech. He has in recent weeks dismissed the ongoing demand from the streets that the next government be formed of technocrats. Meanwhile, fears of a banking crisis have risen among residents. Banks were closed during the first two weeks of the protests, and while now reopened, they have put significant restrictions on withdrawals and conversions of Lebanese pounds into dollars.

Former Hezbollah Chief Accuses Khamenei of ‘Protecting’ Corruption in Iraq, Lebanon
Beirut – Asharq Al-Awsat/Sunday, 10 November, 2019
Former Hezbollah Secretary General Sobhi al-Tufaily attacked Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, accusing him of being the “greatest protector” of corruption in Iraq and Lebanon. In a video circulated on social media, Tufaily asked: “Isn’t it shameful to accuse those who are complaining of oppression of being agents of foreign countries?”“Are those killed on the streets agents? You claim to be the leader of Muslims, not just Iranians. Does such a leader accept to kill the hungry and protect the corrupt and the criminals?”“No less than 250 people were killed and 11,000 wounded. Those who killed them are your gunmen. Your gunmen in Lebanon have also killed us,” continued Tufaily. “Just yesterday, your gang killed unarmed innocents and burned their tents,” he said of attacks against Iraqi protesters. On Lebanon, he said: “Thieves have been robbing it since 1972 and your group has been supporting them. They have filled the country with corruption.” “Does our religion teach us to be dirty, corrupt and murderous thieves?”“What do you call the money that you have spent in Syria,” Tufaily added.

Titles For The Latest Lebanese LCCC English analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on November 10-11/2019
Interview With Amin Maalouf reflects on unrest in Lebanon and beyond/Javier Hernandez/The Arab Weekly/November 10/2019
My message to the Lebanese: Stay strong and you will triumph/Khalaf Ahmad Al-Habtoor/Arab News/November 10, 2019
Lebanon needs an emergency reform kit/Makram Rabah/The Arab Weekly/November 10/2019
‘Solution’ for Lebanon near as protests continues/Najla Houssari/Arab News.November 10/2019
Lebanese banks urge calm amid financial crisis and protests/Officials said there was no concern about solvency/The National/November 10/2019
Lebanese face fuel shortage as troubles mount/Sunniva Rose/The National/November 10/2019
Regional Uphaval Leave Iran’s Shiite Crescent On Shaky Ground/Charles Bybelezer/The Media Line/Jerusalem Post/November 09/2019
Women of Lebanon stand at vanguard of popular protests/Samar Kadi/The Arab Weekly/November 10/2019
A Mine in the Lebanese National Project/Hazem Saghieh/Asharq Al-Awsat/November, 10/2019

The Latest LCCC English analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on November 10-11/2019
Amin Maalouf reflects on unrest in Lebanon and beyond
Javier Hernandez/The Arab Weekly/November 10/2019
“I am convinced that there are not many differences between the aspirations of the Arab world and those of the Western world,” said Lebanese writer Amin Maalouf.
Lebanese writer Amin Maalouf talked about his latest book “Le naufrage des civilisations” (“The Shipwreck of Civilisations”) October 23 in Madrid. At the Arab House Foundation, Maalouf met with the editorial team of Altair website, discussing what could lead the ship of humanity to sink. The article was translated and republished by Al Jadid.
Altair Website (AW): You have always insisted on the need to build bridges between cultures, especially between the two shores of the Mediterranean. Do you think this is still possible in this age of nationalism, xenophobia, racism and individualism? Is this really possible?
Amin Maalouf (AM): “I think that when populism, xenophobia and racism emerge, there is often a reason to that and it is necessary to address this issue. When people have xenophobic and racist behaviours, they’re definitely afraid of something. It’s not enough to simply tell them ‘Don’t be afraid’ but we must first understand why they’re afraid to be able to address this reason.”
AW: You’ve lived in different Arab countries with a Muslim majority. Do you think these Islamic countries really recognise the need to face the challenges of modernity? Does the fact that a political system compatible with the present age has not yet been designed to make us believe that Islam is contrary to the secular rationality of modern culture?
AM: “People have the same concerns, whether they are living in Beirut, Algiers, Madrid or Bogota. People ask about the same thing. They have the same deep aspirations. They want to have a better life, have more dignity and to evolve in an environment that allows them to develop their own faculties.
“I am convinced that there are not many differences between the aspirations of the Arab world and those of the Western world.”
AW: There is discontent and anger all over the streets of Lebanon, your country of origin. What can you tell us about the current situation there?
AM: “The protests started quite some time ago, triggered mainly by the difficult living conditions facing the Lebanese. For several years, the citizens had to endure frequent power outages and sometimes shortages of essential products such as bread and medicine. Even access to drinking water is becoming difficult.
“In Lebanon, people suffer a lot from this situation. In recent weeks, a new tax on the use of WhatsApp fuelled a collective outcry that led people to take to the streets to protest.
“I do not know where the demonstrations will lead or how long they will last, because Lebanon’s political system, despite its corrupt practices, is so strong and entrenched that it is difficult to remove or overthrow. I don’t know what the protesters will be able to achieve but their intentions are certainly very laudable and legitimate.”
AW: A similar situation is evolving in Algeria, in the so-called popular movement. Do you think that the Algerian people will eventually get their demands for a free democracy?
AM: “Not just in Algeria, which is going through something like this. There have been a lot of interesting developments in recent months in other countries, such as in Sudan, where the popular protests led to real change.
“I don’t know what will happen in the future but, at the moment, a government that is acceptable to the Sudanese people seems to have been elected and has a new perspective on the future so we will have to wait and see.
“The same is happening in Iraq, even though the protests in that country were more violent. They were the result of the popular distrust of the political system there. The situation in Iraq is somewhat similar to that in Lebanon because, although the political system in Iraq is not strong enough, it will still be difficult to replace because it is based on the balance of power between the various factions in the country. It’ll be extremely difficult to replace such a system and, so far, no radical change has taken place.”
AW: To complete the tour of the region, it is necessary to consider tensions in the Gulf region. What is the effect of conflicts between countries in the region on people in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Iran, Syria, Turkey, et cetera?
AM: “What is happening now is a conflict between different nations. Certainly, Iran is a regional power with a huge influence on many of its neighbours — Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian territories and Yemen — and its rivals in the region cannot match it. Saudi Arabia, for example, is a rich country but it does not have the same effect (on the region) and its army is not equivalent to Iran’s.
“Iran is traditionally an important player in the region. So, if the United States withdraws from the region, which seems to be happening today, then the Iranians could gain greater influence in the region. However, the economy remains their biggest weakness because they are vulnerable to embargoes and sanctions and these have had a negative effect on them lately.”
*The article is published by permission of Al Jadid culture magazine.

My message to the Lebanese: Stay strong and you will triumph
Khalaf Ahmad Al-Habtoor/Arab News/November 10, 2019
Lebanon has always been close to my heart, and today I am proud to stand with those Lebanese who are protesting against the criminal political class that has bled the country’s coffers dry and stifled opportunities for generations. They have shown that they will no longer be played for fools.
As long as I can remember, Lebanon’s government has been in the strangulating grip of sectarian mafia bosses protected by armed militias that are obliged to pretend allegiance to the Iranian-funded godfather Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s secretary general, in order to maintain their vast wealth and power. But their gravy train is poised to crash and burn.
Lebanon’s youth has woken up to the deceit of these slick-talking peddlers of fake hope, who together have led the nation down a road to ruin. The veil has dropped from their eyes. They can no longer be fooled by political dynasties or those with weighty overseas bank accounts living securely behind the walls of hilltop palaces.
I salute each one of you who has courageously taken to the streets in a peaceful bid to overthrow a government stuffed with inept, corrupt dinosaurs whose only interest is self-interest. These same tired faces have been vying for a piece of the pie since the end of the civil war in 1990 and, if left to them, their sons would inherit their mantle. Fat-cat politicians in Lebanon do not see their role as a patriotic duty to serve the nation and its people, but rather a lucrative job for life.
On their watch, youth unemployment has reached the untenable level of 40 percent, forcing graduates to seek greener pastures abroad. There is zero economic growth and the country’s debt burden, which exceeds 150 percent of gross domestic product, is unsustainable. Adding to people’s woes are regular electricity cuts, severe shortages in water and medicines, and mountains of rotting garbage disfiguring the landscape.
Watching good-natured, fiesta-like gatherings, where Lebanese of all ages and religious persuasions stand shoulder-to-shoulder, speaking with one voice under the cedar flag, is inspirational and portends the demise of sectarianism — the cause of so much enmity and violence.
Fat-cat politicians do not see their role as a patriotic duty to serve the nation and its people, but rather a lucrative job for life.
Hezbollah’s attack dogs were unleashed into the crowds as a disruptive force, but were called off once their efforts were met with strong resistance. Supporters of President Michel Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement, which is allied with Hezbollah and the Amal Movement, called for Aoun to remain in office. Nasrallah initially ordered the government to remain in place while warning of an impending civil war. Such scare tactics only served to harden the protesters’ resolve.
Societal divisions have been greatly exacerbated by a sectarian political system that was bequeathed by the French colonial mandate and reaffirmed by the Taif Agreement, which sealed the end of the civil war by ensuring political representation is shared among the various sects that make up Lebanon’s rich religious tapestry.
This ill-conceived system is not only a recipe for disunity; it often translates to the best man or woman for the job being excluded solely due to their faith. Lebanon needs more than a new government, it needs a complete overhaul of its political system. The new system should allow for candidates to be chosen according to their merit, not their religion — and that is what the good Lebanese people are now demanding.
The people insist on a government that represents them and is chosen by them. So far, they have succeeded in unseating the Cabinet led by Prime Minister Saad Hariri, who, after a last-ditch attempt at promising reforms, resigned. Bravo to the people. You did it.
That said, danger still lurks on the horizon. Hariri now leads a caretaker Cabinet and, according to the Daily Star, he is willing to once again head a government on condition that it includes technocrats qualified to stave off economic collapse. He is the leader who, upon his resignation, said he had reached “a dead end.” In that case, he should be sufficiently dignified to announce his permanent retirement. Hariri should walk into the sunset together with his colleagues — failures all.
My message to the Lebanese is this: Please do not allow the current leadership to derail your demands using the “collapse of the economy” or “the devaluation of the Lebanese pound” as warning flags. If the old guard had any decency, it would heed your wishes and move aside to make room for qualified fresh faces with innovative ideas, who would be able to restore confidence and thus attract much-needed investment.
Do not permit those glued to their chairs for decades to slow down the creation of a new government to a snail’s pace in the hope you will return to a state of political slumber. Keep up the good fight for your rights and your future while there is momentum. Do not be mesmerized by master hypnotists out to lull you into a false sense of security. This is your chance. Grab it.
Last but not least, avoid placing your trust in any foreign nation because they do not have your best interests at heart. The idea of heroes on white horses riding in to save the day is nothing more than an illusion. All are out for their own benefit, so do not be tempted to exchange one set of masters for another. The only way to save your beloved Lebanon is to take matters into your own hands. Stay strong and determined and, with the grace of God, you will be triumphant.
*Khalaf Ahmad Al-Habtoor is a prominent UAE businessman and public figure. He is renowned for his views on international political affairs, his philanthropic activity, and his efforts to promote peace. He has long acted as an unofficial ambassador for his country abroad. Twitter: @KhalafAlHabtoor

Lebanon needs an emergency reform kit
Makram Rabah/The Arab Weekly/November 10/2019
Nearly a month has elapsed since the outbreak of the Lebanese Revolution, which took millions across Lebanon and the diaspora to revolt against a political class that they supported and repeatedly voted into office.
The political and economic shutdown in Lebanon, however, led many demonstrators to reconsider their choices and heed threats of the ruling elite whose scare tactics include violent intimidation and warnings of economic ruin.
Lebanon’s economy has seen better days but years of imprudent economic policies, coupled with a hysterical clientelist system and bad governance, led the state to the brink of bankruptcy. The Lebanese political class has shown an unwillingness to admit that the impasse is not merely an economic crisis but a problem that speaks to the crux of the Lebanese political system, which, to most Lebanese, has simply expired.
Adding insult to injury, a few days before resigning, Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri introduced his government’s economic reform plan, which was utterly rejected by the Lebanese because it refrained from including real political reforms and merely proposed to spend more money to — hopefully — jump-start the ailing economy.
The audacity of the politicians is fathomless as they claim that they can consider $7 billion of electricity sector projects, in merely two weeks and with two days to report it to cabinet — something experts assert is impossible.
If this was not enough, project bids would be supervised by the Public Procurement Management Administration and with a tender document drafted by the Ministry of Energy and Water while the consultant is appointed by a grant given by one of the expected bidders, all flagrant breaches of government operating procedures.
The ruling establishment wants to use the revolt and the fear of economic collapse to make themselves richer and channel the $11 billion from the CEDRE aid conference to their own coffers. The people on the streets and those watching the revolt at home know that the people in power are incapable and unwilling to reform their ways and thus this standoff will not end soon. Faced with this predicament, the only way to prevent the looming meltdown of the Lebanese economy is for street demonstrators to stand strong, not falter and to refuse to negotiate with any form of authority unless the ruling elite introduces required economic and political reforms.
Judicial reform should be at the top of any government platform. The Lebanese state disregards the sacred constitutional principle of separation of powers. The judiciary should appoint its own judges and the executive branch must refrain from meddling in the justice system.
Reform should also reach the security and law enforcement sectors, which should be purged from the clientelist appointment system that prevents their neutrality and makes them tools of the establishment, rather than guardians of the constitution.
Anti-corruption legislation should be enacted to protect whistle-blowers and set a mechanism for the recovery of stolen assets and, more important, amend laws to allow cabinet ministers to face the regular justice system rather than extraordinary tribunals, which do not ensure justice and accountability.
On the more practical economic level, simple emergency measures are urgently needed to alleviate rather than salvage the situation.
There should be the implementation of temporary capital controls on money transfers. While capital control might be a departure from Lebanon’s liberal economy, it is a bitter pill the Lebanese must swallow — and fast. Second, negotiate with the Lebanese banks that own the majority (53.8%) of total debt and convince them to lower interest rates and to restructure the debts. Lebanese banks must accept an increase in taxes over their profits. The tax stands at 10% and must be increased to allow the state more revenues and to avoid passing more direct taxes on to the less-privileged classes.
Third, there should be negotiations with the Lebanese armed forces over Regulation 3, which multiplies military service years and thus costs the Lebanese billions of dollars in end-of-service pensions. Fourth, a law for public bids should be passed to increase transparency and break the hegemony of the cartels that clinch most state contracts. These measures might fall short of the more ambitious aspirations of the Lebanese uprising but, for the immediate future, this emergency kit could give Lebanon a fighting chance and perhaps place Lebanon closer to recovery.
*Makram Rabah is a lecturer at the American University of Beirut, Department of History. He is the author of A Campus at War: Student Politics at the American University of Beirut, 1967-1975.

‘Solution’ for Lebanon near as protests continues
Najla Houssari/Arab News.November 10/2019
BEIRUT: Lebanon’s caretaker prime minister, Saad Hariri, is set to announce on Monday “positive signs of a solution to the issue of government formation in Lebanon, unless sudden developments occur.”
That is according to Mustafa Alloush, a member of the political bureau of the Future Movement, whose comments came after Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) MP Ibrahim Kanaan suggested FPM was convinced of the formation of “a government of technocrats.”
Ali Bazzi, of the Liberation and Development Bloc headed by Speaker Nabih Berri, stressed: “The coming hours will be critical in breaking the state of political stagnation, and the Amal Movement is helping to overcome obstacles and is open to facilitating the formation of a government that serves this country.”
These latest developments come as protests in Lebanon enter their 25th day — protests that have already forced Hariri’s government to step down.
FASTFACTS
Activists in the civil movement have stepped up their social media campaigns to call for people to join a sit-in.
Public affairs expert Walid Fakhreddine said that some parties were trying to hold the protesters responsible for the deterioration of the currency exchange rate.
Activists in the civil movement have stepped up their social media campaigns to call for people to join a sit-in on Sunday. With the value of the US dollar reaching 2,000 Lebanese lira on the black market, salaries have fallen by 25 percent, and purchase value has fallen by 35-40 percent, which has fueled discontent.Public affairs expert Walid Fakhreddine told Arab News that some parties were trying to hold the protesters responsible for the deterioration of the exchange rate. “This is not a new attack technique; it is globally deployed where there are revolutions, but it is ineffective,” he added.
“There are discussions and dialogues between activists in the squares every evening, and some people tried to disrupt one of the discussions in which (the actor) Ziad Itani and I were involved,” he continued.
“Someone tried to stop Ziad Itani from speaking. One of them attacked me and hit me on my head. Then the same person tried to break the microphone Ziad was using. The third time, they attacked us and began to beat us. The security forces intervened and took the attackers aside. Phone calls took place and the aggressors were allowed to go free.
“What happened is not the first of its kind, as incidents of disruption, repression and assault on protesters are frequent in Beirut, Nabatieh and Tire.
“Everyone in this corrupt government participates in these operations because they are annoyed by the people, so they are trying to thwart their movement. They do not know that the Lebanese people are devising many methods to continue the movement, which has reached the stage of no turning back.”
Fakhreddine revealed that bank employees had joined the movement in the street and complained that the government had left them to face the dollar crisis alone. He referred to a draft prepared by MPs on the amnesty days ago to be approved next Tuesday. He said: “It is a booby-trapped draft because it prevents trials for all cases involving administrative and financial corruption.” Itani said the attack against him was against the backdrop of a lawsuit he has filed in court against those involved in his arrest for allegations of communicating with Israel, of which he was found innocent.
“When someone came to me in the square, he told me that it is enough that you went to Tripoli, and it seems that my words bothered them. I said that sedition and sectarianism are forbidden, and that this is the revolution of the poor. I was threatened, and the threat was acted upon in Beirut,” he told Arab News.
“They want to silence me, but I will continue to prosecute those who did me an injustice.”In a recent report, Human Rights Watch called on the Lebanese authorities to take all possible measures to protect peaceful demonstrators and refrain from using force to disperse peaceful gatherings.

Lebanese banks urge calm amid financial crisis and protests/Officials said there was no concern about solvency
The National/November 10/2019
Lebanese bankers and government officials tried to calm a worried public on Saturday amid the country’s major financial crisis, telling them that all deposits are guaranteed and “there is no need for panic.”
The country’s financial troubles have worsened since nationwide protests – initially against new taxes – snowballed into calls for the entire political elite to step down. Banks reopened November 1 after a two-week closure amid the protests. But depositors have rushed to withdraw their money in recent days, while the country’s various lenders have imposed varying capital controls that differ from bank to bank.
The announcement by Salim Sfeir, chairman of the Association of Banks in Lebanon, came after a two-hour meeting between President Michel Aoun, several Cabinet ministers and top banking officials in search of solutions for Lebanon’s deepening financial and economic crisis.
“Depositors’ money is being preserved. What is happening is not an issue related to solvency, and therefore there is no need for panic,” Mr Sfeir said. “People should calm down. People should withdraw enough to meet their needs, not everything they have.”
Mr Sfeir added that those who attended the meeting have asked the central bank’s governor, Riad Salameh, to continue taking the necessary measures “to preserve the safety of cash and economic stability.” He added that small depositors will be given priority when they come to withdraw money.
Mr Aoun’s office said the meeting was attended by the ministers of economy and finance, as well as the central bank governor, the head of the banks’ association and top officials from the country’s largest lenders.
Lebanon, one of the most heavily indebted countries in the world, was already dealing with a severe fiscal crisis before the protests began, one rooted in years of heavy borrowing and expensive patronage networks run by entrenched political parties. The Lebanese pound is trading at up to 1,900 to the dollar on the black market, a devaluation of nearly to 30 per cent from the official rate.
Banks in Lebanon were closed Saturday for an extra day amid deepening turmoil and public anxiety over liquidity. Monday is a holiday to mark the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday, and banks are scheduled to resume normal work on Tuesday. The financial crisis has worsened since Prime Minister Saad Hariri resigned his government on October 29 meeting a key demand by the protesters. No date has been yet set by Mr Aoun for consultations with heads of parliamentary blocs to name a new premier.
Protesters are demanding a government made up of technocrats that would immediately get to work on the necessary reforms to address the economy. Politicians are divided among other things over whether the new Cabinet should be made up of experts only or include politicians. The World Bank on Friday urged Lebanon to form a new Cabinet “within a week” to prevent further degradation and loss of confidence in its economy, warning of grave risks to the country’s stability.Lebanon’s top Sunni cleric, Sheikh Abul-Latif Daryan, repeated his call Saturday for forming a new government of “national salvation” that would work to enact reforms.

Lebanese face fuel shortage as troubles mount
Sunniva Rose/The National/November 10/2019
Retailers stay shut over increased costs caused by restricted availability of foreign currency
Many petrol stations across Lebanon have closed after owners said they would not order more fuel because of restricted access to US dollars. The shortage comes with a financial crisis that has driven more than three weeks of mass protests. In Beirut, several petrol stations were closed on Saturday while others rationed their sales, state-run National News Agency reported. One driver said he had to go to several places to fill his tank. Most stations in the northern province of Akkar were closed, causing a rush at those that were still open. “The petrol crisis in Akkar has started to pose a threat to daily movement in the province,” the NNA reported.
Shortages also prompted fuel stations in the southern city of Tyre to close on Sunday. In the eastern Bekaa region, some fuel station owners illegally increased prices by 25 per cent. The price of fuel is fixed every week by the Energy Ministry and varies with oil prices.
On Thursday, the unions of petrol station owners and fuel tanker operators said they would sell their stock but would not order more because of the extra costs brought on by the scarcity of US dollars. One fuel importer told The National that the country’s fuel stocks would run out in 10 days if imports stopped completely. “There is a shortage. We are selling less than the demand,” he said.
A representative of the association of Lebanese petroleum importing companies did not respond to a request for comment.
Like most Lebanese businesses, petrol station owners must pay importers in dollars but sell locally to their clients in Lebanese pounds. Since this summer, they have been forced to exchange their dollars on the black market, where the exchange rate is about 10 per cent higher than the official rate, because the central bank has restricted access. Combined with regional instability, Lebanon’s struggling economy has caused cashflow to the country to dry up. After petrol station owners went on a one-day strike late September, the government promised that the central bank would guarantee their access to dollars at the official exchange rate.
This arrangement was also extended to medicine and wheat imports. But petrol station owners said on Thursday that in practice, the central bank only guaranteed 85 per cent of their demand for dollars, obliging them to buy the rest on the black market. The fuel importer and Sami Brax, head of the union of petrol stations, said they did not know why the central bank was not providing their full dollar requirement. The fuel shortage has caused an open dispute between petrol station owners, fuel importers and the Energy Ministry. Station owners say the ministry is blaming them for the crisis while not keeping its promises to support them. They have also criticised importers for insisting on being paid fully in dollars rather than accept 15 per cent in Lebanese pounds. Despite the petrol stations refusing to buy more stock, importers said they would keep bringing fuel in. On Saturday, Lebanon’s eight fuel importers said four of them were receiving shipments. This means that petrol stations run directly by importing companies will keep selling fuel but those operating as franchises might not, the importer said.
He estimated that only a fifth of petrol stations are run by importers.
The importer said only a few of his colleagues had been able to open letters of credit with their banks to secure their imports, one of the conditions imposed by the government to receive dollars at the official exchange rate. Through the letter of credit, the local bank guaranteed payment should the importer default, but it first must be confirmed by an international bank accepted by the fuel supplier. Lebanese banks are having trouble obtaining this confirmation as the country sinks deeper into a financial crisis, the importer said. On Thursday, international rating agency Moody’s downgraded Lebanon’s three largest banks further into junk territory, two days after lowering Lebanon’s sovereign rating, saying the increased likelihood of a debt rescheduling it would classify as a default. Lebanon’s financial troubles sparked mass protests on October 17, forcing Prime Minister Saad Hariri to resign on October 29.
The country has been without a government since, further weakening the international community’s trust in its finances. “I managed to open two letters of credit but I do not know if I will be able to do it again,” the importer said. However, he was optimistic that the government would find a solution after President Michel Aoun, the central bank governor and the head of the Lebanese association of banks met on Saturday to address the financial crisis. “They must find a solution,” he said. “I think the issue will be resolved.”

Regional Uphaval Leave Iran’s Shiite Crescent On Shaky Ground
Charles Bybelezer/The Media Line/Jerusalem Post/November 09/2019
Tehran’s attempt to carve out contiguous territorial corridor toward Mediterranean appears to be in jeopardy
Geopolitical earthquakes caused by civil unrest are risking fractures in the foundations of the “Shi’ite Crescent,” a contiguous land bridge Iran has carved out across Iraq and Syria and into Lebanon by investing tens of billions of dollars of political and military capital.
With its ability to project dominance throughout the Middle East already significantly hampered by US economic sanctions, mass protests partially fueled by anger over Iranian interventionism in at least two of those countries have thrown a wrench in the Islamic Republic’s expansionism.
In Lebanon, where religion-based enmity sparked a civil war from 1975 to 1990, hundreds of thousands of demonstrators have taken to the streets, demanding an end to the decades-long corrupt power structure that reserves the presidency for a Maronite Christian, the premiership for a Sunni Muslim and the position of parliament speaker for a Shi’ite. While the turmoil forced the resignation of prime minister Saad al-Hariri, many Sunnis are directing their ire primarily at Hezbollah, Iran’s terror proxy, which is an integral, if not the most dominant, component of the system targeted by the unrest.
While rampant cronyism and mismanagement in Beirut is perhaps the primary reason for the decimation of the economy, Hezbollah is viewed as making matters worse through its involvement in the Syrian civil war and the resulting influx of some 1 million refugees into Lebanon. These individuals have few prospects and are widely considered a further burden on inadequate civil services and a crumbling infrastructure.
Any weakening of Hezbollah’s status would, by extension, diminish Iran’s manipulation of internal Lebanese policy.
“The movement in Lebanon started over corruption, but when Iran directed Hezbollah to begin crushing the protests, the people realized that the issue is bigger,” Tom Harb, co-director of the American Mideast Coalition for Democracy, told The Media Line.
“Hezbollah could try to deflect attention away from the situation by screaming at Israel or Arab nations,” he said, before adding that growing instability has severely limited the options of Iran and its proxies.
In Baghdad, the situation is more acute – and dire. Mass protests, initially precipitated by a demand for better access to basic staples like fresh water and electricity, quickly turned violent, with the civilian death toll currently closing in on 300. Scores of those dead were reportedly killed by members of the Popular Mobilization Forces, an amalgamation of Shi’ite paramilitary organizations. Although some have been officially incorporated into the Iraqi army, they retain close ties to, and often act at the directive of, Iran.
Fury over Tehran’s perceived influence over the Iraqi government was manifest in this week’s attack on the Iranian consulate in Karbala, a holy city to which millions of Shi’ites make annual pilgrimages, not unlike the yearly Hajj undertaken by Sunnis to Mecca.
Perhaps not lost on the rioters is that a battle in Karbala between opposing Muslim factions in 680 AD was a major catalyst to the split between the primary, and still competing, sects of Islam. Indeed, many analysts view this ongoing Sunni-Shi’ite divide as the central factor contributing to instability in the Middle East.
“Iraq is the crown jewel of Iran’s imperialist activities – the country means everything when you consider the depth of Tehran’s penetration there,” Prof. Uzi Rabi, director of Tel Aviv University’s Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies and a senior researcher at its Center for Iranian Studies, told The Media Line.
“Tehran is afraid that Iraqi Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdi, who is sort of an Iranian protégé, could be toppled,” Rabi said, “which would be viewed as a major victory for the protesters” and a huge blow to the Islamic Republic.
Rabi highlighted one element of the Iraqi demonstrations that he believes is being overlooked, noting that the classical rivalry between Sunnis and Shi’ites is being compounded by internal discord within the Shi’ite population itself.
“Some, including [Grand Ayatollah Ali] al-Sistani, [the spiritual leader of Iraq’s Shi’ites], are putting pressure on the government to remove Baghdad from Tehran’s orbit,” another development that would lead to a reduction of Iranian influence, he said.
Rabi thus envisions Tehran “doubling down on its efforts, because having bargaining chips all over the Middle East is essential to the regime’s survival.” In his estimation, the mullahs will do whatever is necessary to preserve their assets by continuing to “test the waters,” which will likely result in additional flare-ups with rivals.
Syria could be a perfect test case for this hypothesis, where conflict erupted when the Sunni-majority population – backed by the likes of Saudi Arabia – revolted against the Assad regime, whose elites are mainly Alawite, an offshoot of Shi’ite Islam. This prompted Iran, which considers itself the vanguard of Shi’ite Islam, to provide Damascus with crucial military hardware, boots on the ground and the tactical knowhow to overcome opposition fighters.
Tehran went so far as to import to Syria tens of thousands of Shi’ite mercenaries from Central Asia and the Far East with a view not only to ensuring Assad’s ongoing rule, and thus Iran’s dominance over Syria, but also to change the country’s demographic composition.
Nevertheless, Iran’s stranglehold on Syria, a crucial hub of the “Shi’ite Crescent,” may be waning. Russia has emerged as the major power broker since intervening militarily in support of Assad in 2015. Notably, Moscow is weary of Islamic extremism after being targeted in recent years by Muslim terrorists residing in the restive Northern Caucasus.
Tehran’s grip has been further loosened by the cross-border incursion into northeastern Syria by Sunni Turkish forces, and by virtue of the American troop presence in adjacent areas. The United States is also keeping soldiers at the al-Tanf base, which is strategically located near the border-crossing with Iraq.
The American Mideast Coalition for Democracy’s Harb also noted that Tehran may have suffered a major setback in Yemen, where for half a decade, its Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has provided material support to Shi’ite Houthi rebels in their war against the internationally recognized government, which itself is backed by a Saudi-led coalition of Sunni states.
This week, Yemen’s government – which in 2014 was forced out of the capital Sanaa by the Houthis – signed a power-sharing agreement with the Southern Transitional Council, a separatist group backed by the United Arab Emirates. The reconciliation’s ostensible aim is to halt infighting and thereby allow efforts to be redirected back toward reestablishing control over areas in northern Yemen that are still under the control of the rebels.
Then there is Israel, which over the past two years has struck hundreds of Iranian military sites in Syria, greatly impinging on the Islamic Republic’s ability to establish a permanent infrastructure and use the prevailing chaos there as cover to smuggle advanced weaponry to its Hezbollah underling.
All of this is occurring against the backdrop of heightened tensions in the Gulf.
Over the summer, Iran was accused of perpetrating numerous attacks on commercial oil tankers transiting vital waterways. In September, a two-pronged strike by cruise missiles and drones against critical Saudi oil infrastructure temporarily cut the kingdom’s output by half. Despite Iran’s denial, Riyadh, Washington and several European capitals blamed Tehran, placing a brighter spotlight on the actions of the IRGC and making it more difficult for its elite Quds Force to conduct operations abroad.
The mullahs may also come to regret downing a US drone over international airspace near the Strait of Hormuz, a move that prompted President Donald Trump to direct the Pentagon to deploy additional military personnel to the region.
Finally, Iran has significantly upped its nuclear activities since announcing that it would be decreasing its commitments to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, from which the US withdrew in May 2018.
Tehran has reportedly increased tenfold its daily production of low-enriched uranium, and this month unveiled new, advanced centrifuges into which it has begun to inject uranium gas. These measures almost undoubtedly will strengthen the resolve of the Islamic Republic’s adversaries to counter the mullahs’ potential dash to the bomb.
It is worth noting that some historians believe Iran’s conceptualization of nuclearization was shaped in the 1980s during its brutal war with Iraq, which claimed the lives of some one million people on both sides. The Ayatollahs’ inability to vanquish Saddam Hussein – a Sunni ruling over a majority Shi’ite country and possessing non-conventional weapons – may have convinced them that achieving a nuclear capability would be a prerequisite to actualizing the goal of the 1979 revolution, which is to export and impose their radical interpretation of Islam throughout the Middle East and beyond.
While a confluence of factors has created shock waves in virtually every point along the territorial route stretching from Tehran to the Mediterranean, Iranian leaders nevertheless remain strategically adept, committed to their ideology and, perhaps most significantly, willing to employ ruthless and destructive measures – including against restive segments of their own population – in order to realize their ambitions.
This has caused actors in the Sunni Muslim world to begin pushing back more strongly against this potentiality. But given their military limitations, how ironic it would be if “Big Satan” – the predominantly Christian United States – and “Little Satan” – the predominantly Jewish state – were ultimately responsible for inflicting the coup de grace that ended the Iranian regime’s dream of establishing a Shi’ite caliphate.
https://www.jpost.com/Middle-East/Regional-upheavals-leave-Irans-Shiite-Crescent-on-shaky-ground-607312

Women of Lebanon stand at vanguard of popular protests
Samar Kadi/The Arab Weekly/November 10/2019
BEIRUT – During the three weeks of a largely peaceful anti-government revolt in Lebanon, women have been playing a leading role to assert their equal civic rights while acting as a buffer zone to protect the protests from falling into violence.
Since the start of the protests October 17, the “women front line” of rows of female shields has prevented friction and clashes between protesters and riot police and army troops.
“We have organised a female chain encircling the protesters outside the government seat in Riad al Solh Square. Even when police tried to break the chain, we would reinforce our rows and slow them down until they give up. We also prevented men protesters from taking the front row or trying to attack the police,” said activist Darine Dandashly.
Female protesters were instrumental in blocking roads and main arteries, blockades that have brought the country to a halt. Dandashly was at the Ring Road in Beirut when police tried to reopen it by force.
“We were sitting on the asphalt right in the middle of the road and I heard a police officer telling his superior, ‘We cannot open the road. It is blocked by two rows of women’,” Dandashly said.
The female revolutionaries were defiant when protesters were attacked by followers of Iran-backed Hezbollah and Shia Amal Movement.
“I was filming the raid when one of the attackers assailed me and tried to break my phone. I continued filming because I felt that it was my only weapon against them. The courage and nerve that women showed in confronting the thugs was amazing,” Dandashly said.
Aside from the common demands they had with all the Lebanese protesters, including the formation of a technocrat government and early elections, participating women had additional requests they communicated loudly and clearly.
A protest march November 3 by feminist NGOs drew a large crowd of female demonstrators chanting: “The revolution is a woman” and “She is coming to tear down the patriarchal system.”
“The prominent role played by women in the protests should not come as a surprise. Lebanese women have long been active in the country’s civil society,” said Halime Kaakour, an activist and professor at the Faculty of Law and Political Sciences at the Lebanese University.
Kaakour contends that the protest movement has been powered by civil society organisations in which women are a majority.
“In Lebanon you have the largest number of women activists in the region. It is not strange at all to find them at the heart of protest movements. They were there in the protests of 2015 and today they are crucial in maintaining the peaceful character of the protests,” she said.
“Studies show that the more women are omnipresent the less violence there is. There is no peace without the participation of women.”
Lebanese women have legitimate reasons to fight the sectarian system of governance that protesters wish to topple. “They are calling for the establishment of a civil state that would grant them all their rights and eliminate discriminatory laws that do them injustice,” Kaakour said
Lebanon has 15 personal status laws for the country’s recognised confessions and all of them discriminate against women. Autonomous religious courts administer the laws and make it more difficult for women than for men to divorce and get custody of their children.
Lebanon’s nationality law denies citizenship to the children and spouses of Lebanese women married to foreigners but not to the foreign spouses and children of Lebanese men. Reforming the law has been a demand of local women’s rights groups for decades.
As they assert their role in the demonstrations, women are redefining their role in Lebanon. Mothers have been going to the protests with their young children to, they say, instil in them a sense of national unity in a country often characterised by its divisions.
People of all ages and sects have gathered daily to demand better services, a crackdown on corruption and the wholesale removal of a ruling class they accuse of having ruled Lebanon like a cartel for decades. School and university students have forced the closure of their establishments and marched across the country to increase pressure for the formation of an independent government of technocrats that protesters are demanding to help overcome the country’s acute economic and financial crisis. “The youth from both sexes are the main driving force behind the revolt because they are fully aware of their rights,” Kaakour said. “They have progressive thinking that is way ahead of the political elite and the obsolete system. They are telling the leaders you don’t resemble us, you don’t represent us and you should go.”

A Mine in the Lebanese National Project
Hazem Saghieh/Asharq Al-Awsat/November, 10/2019
For three weeks and counting, Lebanon has been rocked with a historic event: Vast segments of the population, especially the youth and women, have been marching forward towards building the new foundations of the nation. This project is veering away from sectarianism and sects and focusing on more important issues.
First: They are looking at the economy and ways to distribute the wealth in a way that boosts production and productive sectors and combats waste, looting and corruption. They are seeking to break the banks’ grip on the economy and create job opportunities and stem the immigration of the youth.
Second: They are seeking to modernize the political system and democratize it in order to open the door wide for more people to benefit from the democratic process. This must inevitably take place through an electoral law that steers clear from sectarian representation. The most important factor at this point must be the independence of the judiciary, which should achieve justice away from violent reprisals and political interests.
The judiciary has never been such the focus of attention in Lebanon as it is today.
Third: Introducing major changes that recognize the aspirations of the youth, most notably in regards to gender and generational equality. They are also seeking to raise awareness about refugees and foreign workers, away from discrimination.
The youth have a major role to play because they have never experienced war, but instead inherited its repercussions. Their worldliness beyond their country’s borders has developed in them a strong contempt for sectarianism and clientelism that is rampant in Lebanon. In contrast, banal political leaders have worked on deepening difference between those who cause disasters and those who promise to resolve them. This all came to head when the youth realized that nothing lies ahead for them in Lebanon except despair.
The protesters have been peaceful because they are less ideologized than their defeated predecessor generations. They have steered clear of garbled and vague language and gone straight to the point in voicing their demands and airing their complaints. With these traits, the youths laid bare the political system, revised all of its aspects and placed the traditional politicians in the accused dock.
The revolution has overcome many obstacles. The greatest however, still lies ahead. It is like a mine planted by the sectarian forces. This great project cannot succeed, let alone grow, without those who have abandoned their sectarianism turning to other sects. The departure, whether voluntary or forced, is a major mine because it can stand as a hurdle towards progressing to new issues.
In other words, a return to the March 8 and 14 camps or any other vertical divide between sects or sectarian alliances will spell the end of this great project. The revolution has so far succeeded in avoiding this trap because it has set socio-economic concerns as a priority and because the leaders of the March 8 and 14 camps have been the targets of their anger. This success has been also possible because protesters from all sects and regions have joined the demonstrations.
Hezbollah was the party that planted this mine in the national project on behalf of all other sectarian forces. It has prevented a major sect from joining through ideological influence and use of force. The “Shiite” revolt in Iraq and the siege against Iran were additional reasons for adopting this approach.
The developments in Nabatieh, Kfar Ramman, Tyre, Bint Jbeil and the Ring bridge have demonstrated that this revolution can neutralize Hezbollah’s weapons. This is a demand for any practical politics in countries like Lebanon. It has also become clear that Hezbollah’s weapons cannot neutralize the revolution. The revolt, according to the party, has started to snowball and it must be stopped before it continues to get bigger.
The party is an expert at circumventing change: 2005 witnessed the national independence agenda and an end to hegemony over security agencies. In 2006, the party abducted two Israeli soldiers bringing about the July war.
The Aounist movement could not do the same thing with its Christian sect. It appeared weak with nothing to offer its people. The Baabda demonstration in support of President Michel Aoun was the most it could achieve and below the required level to break up the revolt or divide it into two opposing camps.
Hezbollah, therefore, assumed the mission to extract the Shiites from the revolution. To those hesitating it asked: “Why should we become dispersed while they are gathering?”
This mine may or may not explode violently with or without the collapse of the economy.

The post A Bundle Of English Reports, News and Editorials For November 10-11/2019 Addressing the On Going Mass Demonstrations & Sit In-ins In Iranian Occupied Lebanon in its 25th Day appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

Detailed LCCC English News Bulletin For November 11/2019

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Detailed LCCC English News Bulletin For November 11/2019

Click Here to read the whole and detailed LCCC English News Bulletin for November 11/2019

Click Here to enter the LCCC  Arabic/English news bulletins Achieves since 2006

Titles Of The LCCC English News Bulletin
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The post Detailed LCCC English News Bulletin For November 11/2019 appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

نشرة أخبار المنسقية العامة للمؤسسات اللبنانية الكندية باللغة العربية ليوم 11 تشرين الثاني/2019

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نشرة أخبار المنسقية العامة للمؤسسات اللبنانية الكندية باللغة العربية ليوم 11 تشرين الثاني/2019

اضغط هنا لقراءة نشرة أخبار المنسقية العامة المفصلة، اللبنانية والعربية ليوم 11 تشرين الثاني/2019

ارشيف نشرات أخبار موقعنا اليومية/عربية وانكليزية منذ العام 2006/اضغط هنا لدخول صفحة الأرشيف

عناوين أقسام نشرة المنسقية باللغة العربية
الزوادة الإيمانية لليوم
تعليقات الياس بجاني وخلفياتها
الأخبار اللبنانية
المتفرقات اللبنانية
الأخبار الإقليمية والدولية
المقالات والتعليقات والتحاليل السياسية الشاملة
المؤتمرات والندوات والبيانات والمقابلات والمناسبات الخاصة والردود وغيره

The post نشرة أخبار المنسقية العامة للمؤسسات اللبنانية الكندية باللغة العربية ليوم 11 تشرين الثاني/2019 appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

وليد شقير: الاختناق السوريّ وما يخشاه حزب الله/منير الربيع: الحريري بين ثأر باسيل وهدية حزب الله المسمومة/وجيه قانصو: عندما تصير المقاومة حزباً

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الاختناق السوريّ وما يخشاه “الحزب”
وليد شقير/نداء الوطن/11 تشرين الثاني 2019

الحريري بين ثأر باسيل وهدية حزب الله المسمومة
منير الربيع/المدن/الإثنين 11 تشرين الثاني/2019

عندما تصير المقاومة حزباً
وجيه قانصو/المدن/الإثنين 11 تشرين الثاني/2019

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الاختناق السوريّ وما يخشاه “الحزب”
وليد شقير/نداء الوطن/11 تشرين الثاني 2019
يُصرّ “حزب الله” على ربط الحراك الشعبي بمخطط خارجي. يتخوّف من الإتيان بحكومة تكنوقراط أو من غير أحزاب السلطة، باعتباره انصياعاً لرغبة أميركا في إبعاده عن الحكومة، في إطار تضييقها عليه وعلى إيران في المنطقة.
يستغرب قادة الحراك الشعبي قلق “الحزب” في وقت لم يطرح أي من المجموعات الكثيرة المشاركة فيه لا مسألة دوره الإقليمي ولا مسألة سلاحه، لأن الانفجار الشعبي قام على احتقان اللبنانيين جراء تفاقم أحوالهم المعيشية وإذلالهم، خصوصاً الشباب العاطل من العمل، بسبب سياسة أحزاب السلطة الفاشلة على الصعيد الاقتصادي. بقيت الهتافات ضد أمينه العام السيد حسن نصر الله محدودة على رغم توجيه “الحزب” بعض مناصريه ضد الحراك بحجة التعرض لرمز ديني، فأدى القمع البشع ضد المتظاهرين الى نتيجة معاكسة عند اللبنانيين والجمهور الشيعي، حتى لدى منضوين في “الحزب” نفسه.
يعتبر الناشطون في الحراك أن “الحزب” هو الذي يطرح مسألة السلاح وارتباطه بإيران، عبر تبرير إصراره على التمثيل السياسي في الحكومة في مواجهة المخططات الأميركية. ويرون أنه يتجاهل بذلك أن سبب اشتراك جزء من جمهوره في الحراك، متفلتاً من قيود قيادته هو الوضع المعيشي. وإزاء ربط “الحزب” ومحللي الممانعة بين استهداف إيران في العراق وفي لبنان، يكرر الاستنتاج الشائع بأن الانتفاضة في المناطق العراقية الشيعية شهدت هتافات من نوع “إيران برا برا” وإنزالاً لصور رموز طهران، بينما الأمر مختلف في لبنان. وحيث أنزلت صور نصر الله فإن هذا جاء باعتباره واحداً من رموز السلطة، لا فعل هويته السياسية الإيرانية. وهو أمر طال الزعامات الأخرى أكثر على امتداد لبنان. الثابت أن السواد الأعظم من المشاركين في الثورة، غير مكترث بالسياسة الإقليمية لـ”الحزب” وسلاحه، ولا بربطها بما يجري في العراق فالمحرك في البلدين هو الوضع المعيشي، حتى لو جاء تحميل طهران مسؤولية ترديه في العراق أكثر وضوحاً مما هو عليه في لبنان. “الحزب” نفسه، عندما يطرح هواجسه، هو الذي يضيء على دور السياسة الإيرانية في لبنان، في التردي الاقتصادي. فتحالفاته في السلطة لحماية دوره الإقليمي، والتي اضطرته إلى تجاهل ما بلغه الفساد، وإغراق البلد في المحاصصة على حساب معالجة الأوضاع الاقتصادية، يفسران قلقه على إضعاف هؤلاء الحلفاء، وبالتالي إضعافه هو، في أي حكومة مقبلة أولويتها استعادة الثقة من أجل إطلاق التصحيح المالي، وليست مهمتها التصدي لدور “الحزب” الإقليمي، أو مشاركة أميركا في حملتها ضده.
واحد من أسباب اختناق لبنان هو تحوله الرئة التي يتنفس منها النظام السوري و”الحزب” إزاء العقوبات التي فرضتها واشنطن عليهما.
لم يعد سراً أن بضع مليارات من الدولارات سحبت من لبنان إلى سوريا، إما عبر شركات الأوف شور والاعتمادات التي فتحتها في مصارف لبنانية لاستيراد البضائع المحظورة عن طريق بيروت، والتي لا يسدد إلا القليل منها، أو عبر شراء كميات من الدولارات من الصيارفة لتزويد المصرف المركزي في دمشق بها، أو عبر تشجيع السوريين الميسورين على سحب أموالهم من المصارف اللبنانية إلى دمشق… ما أدى إلى شح السيولة في لبنان وإلى أزمة السعرين لصرف العملة.
ناهيك عن بيع “الحزب” النفط الإيراني المحظور أميركياً، المهرب عبر سوريا ثم تحويل ثمنه إلى الدولار. ما روج له وزير الخارجية جبران باسيل مطلع الشهر الماضي بالقول إن لبنان سيتنفس من الرئة السورية اقتصادياً، لتبرير استعادة العلاقات مع دمشق، تحول اختناقاً لبنانياً من تلك الرئة.
ما يقلق “الحزب” الآن أن “الرئة السورية” تختنق نتيجة انسداد الرئة اللبنانية، وإقفال المصارف وتحديدها لأسقف السحوبات والتحويلات وفرضها أذونات للاستيراد.
هذا من نتائج “وحدة المصير والمسار” وتوحيد ساحات المواجهة رغماً عن شعوب دولها. و”الحزب” يخشى حكومة تقفل أبواب الرئة اللبنانية لسوريا التي تحمّل لبنان ما يعجز اقتصاده عن تحمّله.

الحريري بين ثأر باسيل وهدية حزب الله المسمومة
منير الربيع/المدن/الإثنين 11 تشرين الثاني/2019
أسقط اللبنانيون نظرية المؤامرة عن انتفاضتهم. كما فشلت محاولات السياسيين في الاندساس بقلب التحركات أو اختراقها. حتى الترهيب والتخويف وإثارة العصبيات أو المخاوف الطائفية والمذهبية والمناطقية، لم تؤد نتيجتها. مع ذلك تستمر السلطة في حالة الإنكار السلطة، تحاول اجتراح حلول تناسبها من دون أي إدراك لحجم التغيير الذي أصاب لبنان. كل المراسيم التي تصدر باسم مكافحة الفساد، ومحاولة مجلس النواب إقرار قوانين.. كلها لا قيمة لها، لأن الأمر يتعلق بالنظام ككل. فالمواطنون فقدوا الثقة بالسلطة التنفيذية والتشريعية والقضائية.
مساجين ونفط
الأهم هو أن الشارع لا يزال على حيويته، والتحركات تتنوع وتنضم إليها فئات اجتماعية جديدة طلابية وعمالية ونسوية. هذا يضمن شمول كل الناس بالتحركات وباستمرار الانتفاضة وتحولها إلى ثورة تامة. فبعد أن كان الإنتشار الجغرافي ميزة أساسية، اكتسبت الثورة إنتشاراً اجتماعياً ومهنياً، ما يمنحها الرسوخ والوضوح.
في المقابل، وكما كل السلطات قبل انهيارها، تلجأ السلطة اللبنانية إلى إخراج المجرمين من السجون، في رشوة سياسية (وطوائفية) مفضوحة، عبر إقرار قانون العفو العام عن المرتكبين، في مشهد مشابه لما فعلته الأنظمة العربية التي واجهت الثورات.
أيضاً لجأ بعض السلطة إلى الحديث عن النفط، كما فعل الأربعاء الماضي الرئيس نبيه برّي، وكما “استعرضت” الوزيرة البستاني حاويات أنابيب الحفر. وفي الحالين، الهدف إشاحة النظر عن الواقع.كل طرف في السلطة يبحث عن تعزيز فرص “نجاته” وعودته. صحيح أن الحريري باستقالته استعاد جزءاً من شارعه، لكن هذا يفرض عليه أداء سياسياً وإعلامياً مغايراً، ولا يمكنه البقاء هكذا متوارياً في الكواليس، حيث يعقد اللقاءات المغلقة، فمن واجبه إن أراد “ترميم” شعبيته وشرعيته السياسية، مصارحة الناس.
خسائر ومكابرة
كل المبادرات الدولية إذا ما توفرت، تنطلق من قناعة أنه لا يمكن إعادة إنتاج السلطة على النحو السابق، والمطلوب حكومة توحي بالثقة للبنانيين وللمانحين والأسواق. وهذا ما سيكون كفيلاً بتحرير الاقتصاد من قبضة تحالف المصارف والطبقة الحاكمة، ولا يقوم على مبدأ الصفقات. لكن، تبقى الخشية من أن يعود الكارتيل لإنتاج نفسه بصفقة جديدة مع المجتمع الدولي، تكون نتيجتها عودة المقاولين أنفسهم والسياسيين ذاتهم، بغطاء دولي ينتفع من وجودهم. وهذا ما يجب مواجهته والتصدي له.
تعنت السلطة حتى الآن يكلف لبنان واللبنانيين الكثير من الخسائر. كل المكابرة لم تعد تنفع. يعرف أركان السلطة أن أداءهم بالذات هو الذي أسقطهم، خصوصاً أصحاب “التسوية” التي أبرمت منذ ثلاث سنوات. وبسقوطهم أسقطوا معهم قوى أخرى. لذلك، فإن جلّ ما يبحثون عنه حالياً، هي إيجاد صيغة لحكومة تكون مرضية للشارع وللمجتمع الدولي. إنما بشرط أن يبقوا قادرين على التحكم بها وبمقرراتها صوناً لامتيازاتهم. لذا، يجري البحث الآن عن كيفية تقديم حكومة تضم وزراء جدداً وتكنوقراطيين، على أن تسمّيهم أحزاب السلطة، ولو كانوا غير حزبيين، أو يكون بعضهم حزبياً غير بارز.
صيغة حزب الله التكنوقراطية!
هذه القناعة توصل إليها حزب الله، بعد عدم اقتناع الحريري بالسير بحكومة سياسية، وتمسكه بشرطه بحكومة تكنوقراط. وحسب ما تشير المعلومات، تركزت طوال يوم الأحد الاتصالات على ضرورة الوصول إلى صيغة ملائمة يوافق عليها الحريري ويتم ابلاغه بها، كتأليف حكومة تكنوقراط بنكهة سياسية، أي يختار كل حزب وزراءه من غير السياسيين، على طريقة اختيار حزب الله للوزير جميل جبق. وتكشف المعلومات أن التيار الوطني الحر أجرى اتصالات بشكل غير مباشر بكل من الوزيرين السابقين مروان شربل وزياد بارود، للبحث معهم في إمكانية توزيرهم مقابل استبعاد الوزير جبران باسيل وغيره من الوزراء السياسيين.. على أن يتم طرح هذه الصيغة على الحريري مقابل أن يجيب عليها، قبل خطاب أمين عام حزب الله المرتقب. ويعتبر الحزب أنه بهذه الصيغة لم يبق خيار للحريري لرفض ترؤس الحكومة، فيما يبقى أن يجري الحريري اتصالات دولية سريعة، للحصول على غطاء لهذه التشكيلة للسير بها، خصوصاً أن الهم الأساسي لدى الجميع هو البحث عن مساعدات سريعاً لوقف الانهيار المالي الذي بدأ.
إقصاء “القوات” فقط
ومن الواضح أن الصيغة التي يتم البحث فيها تستثني “القوات اللبنانية”، التي ستجد نفسها مطوقة مجددة وعرضة للكثير من المضايقات، وفيما لا يبدو وليد جنبلاط في وارد الدخول في هكذا حكومة، مفضلاً المعارضة والاهتمام بوضع حزبه الداخلي، تشير بعض المعطيات إلى أن حزب الله والرئيس نبيه بري يصران على مشاركة جنبلاط بالحكومة، كي لا يتوسع هامش المعارضة. وهكذا “حكومة تكنوقراط” شكلية، ستكون عبارة عن هدية مقدمة من الحزب إلى للحريري، بضمان بقاء “القرار” السياسي الوطني محفوظاً لصالح الحزب وقصر بعبدا. أما في حال عدم موافقة الحريري على هذه الصيغة، فإن الأزمة حينها ستتعمق، وستزيد من التوتر السياسي بين الأفرقاء، خصوصاً أن هناك من يصف الحريري برهينة سياسية، سواء عندما أبرم التسوية الرئاسية وقدم كل التنازلات، أو عندما قرر الخروج منها، وسواء قبل بالبقاء كرهينة سلطة يمسك بها حزب، أو في حال رفض التشكيل ليتحول رهينة معادلة دولية “تبتغي تنفيذ انقلاب في لبنان” وفق توصيف الحزب.
باسيل للتخلي عن الحريري
على الأرجح، يتريث الحريري في تقديم إجابة نهائية، إلى ما بعد حضور الموفد الفرنسي وجسّ نبض الموقف الدولي من هكذا صيغة حكومية. لكن حزب الله ضاق ذرعاً من تأخر الحريري. وكان يريد الحصول على جواب أو تفاهم واضح منه قبل كلمة نصر الله اليوم.
وبسبب تأخر الحريري، حسب المعلومات، جرت اتصالات بين الثنائي الشيعي والتيار الوطني الحر. وكان باسيل يضغط باتجاه خيار تشكيل حكومة من دون الحريري، والدخول في المواجهة. وإذ لوّح حزب الله بذلك، بقي مفضلاً التريث قليلاً، لعلّ مجرد التلويح هذا يدفع الحريري للارتضاء “بما كُتب له”، خصوصاً أن هناك “رسائل ابتزازية” تصله بفتح ملفات وزراء محسوبين عليه، إن لم يوافق. وبالتأكيد ان حكومة من هذا النوع الذي يطرحها حزب الله ستجدد حياة “التسوية” والسلطة المنبثقة عنها، وتعمل على احتواء الانتفاضة وإماتتها.

عندما تصير المقاومة حزباً
وجيه قانصو/المدن/الإثنين 11 تشرين الثاني/2019
في العام 1982، اجتاحت إسرائيل لبنان حتى وصلت إلى العاصمة. كانت الدولة حينها منهكة بسبب الحرب الأهلية، ومترهلة بسبب خلل في أدائها والتناقضات العميقة في الجسم السياسي اللبناني. فبادر المجتمع اللبناني بأكثر مكوناته إلى تكثيف مقاومته للاحتلال، وجعلها أكثر انتظاماً وإيلاما للمحتل من نشاطها السابق. وقد صدرت هذه المبادرات بتعابير ودوافع ومسوغات متعددة، تراوحت بين التأويل الماركسي والالتزام القومي مروراً بمبادرات مدنية وفردية ووصولاً إلى بواعث جهادية دينية. هو تعدد يعبر عن تنوع مكونات المجتمع وتعدد الميول والاتجاهات في داخله، بل تنوع وتعدد داخل المكون المذهبي الواحد.
فالمقاومة فعل مواجهة يقوم به أبناء وطن لصد عدوان أو احتلال خارجي. هو رد فعل ومبادرة جماعية تسوغها مشروعية الدفاع عن النفس ويحفزها الإنتماء إلى وطن خاص يكون أساس هوية المقاومين ووازع نضالهم.
كانت جميع هذه المبادرات بمثابة استجابة مجتمعية طبيعية لأجل بقاء الكيان وحفظ المجتمع. صحيح أن منطقة المواجهة قد غلب عليها اللون الشيعي، إلا أن الفعل المقاوم حينها ما كان ليختص بمكون اجتماعي خاص، أو يكون بديلا عن الدولة أو منافساً لها، بقدر ما هي مبادرة الكيان نفسه، لا بأجهزة الدولة الرسمية وبنيتها البيروقراطية، بل بالحامل الأساسي لها، الذي هو المجتمع، بصفته مصدر مشروعيتها وقاعدة نشاطها وقوة استمرارها وبقاءها العميقين.
ففعل المقاومة، بعمقه المجتمعي، يتأكد حين تعجز الدولة، بأجهزتها الأمنية والعسكرية، عن القيام بواجب صد العدوان، أو الحد من الفوضى أو منع الانهيار الداخلي. هو فعل يبادر إليه المجتمع لا لاستبدال الدولة أو تحييدها بل لسد فراغاتها وتعثراتها وتدعيم حضورها وإعادة بعثها من جديد. فالشأن العام لا يُدبَّر بمجرد أوامر سياسية ملزمة وتشريعات رسمية، بل يؤازِرُ ذلك تضامنات بين مكونات المجتمع، وروابط خُلقية وقيمٌ جامعة بينها، وقواعد مشروعية، تشكل بمجموعها باعثاً لحفظ النظام العام، وضماناً لسيرٍ مستقرٍ ومنتجٍ للحياة العامة. فالدولة أو السلطة العليا ليست شيئاً يضاف إلى المجتمع من خارجه، بل هي صورة المجتمع في وضعية انتظامه لنفسه.
كان حزب الله، أحد أهم الروافد الاجتماعية للمقاومة، وتميز بأداء كمي ونوعي حقق إنجازات ميدانية معتبرة. أصر الحزب على أسلمة المقاومة، أي اعتبارها نشاطاً متعلقاً بالتكليف الديني والأغراض والغايات التي تخدم منظومة وعقيدة ولاية الفقيه، أي الفصل بين الباعث الديني والوازع الوطني، بتأكيد الأول وأولويته وإنكار وحتى تسخيف الثاني. رغم كل ذلك فقد تلَقَّت مكونات المجتمع، الشيعي تحديداً، جهادَ الحزب ضد إسرائيل بالقبول والترحيب، على قاعدة أولوية طرد المحتل وتأجيل الخلاف الأيديولوجي الداخلي.
التفاهم الإيراني السوري، في أوائل تسعينيات القرن الماضي، تسبب بحصر المقاومة بحزب الله بطريقة قسرية وإلغائية لباقي المقاومين، بعدما تبين أن الفعل المقاوم لا يخدم تحرير الأرض فحسب، بل أداة مناورة وابتزاز للنظام السوري ضد المجتمع الدولي، ومادة توظيف دسمة للنظام الإيراني في ربط أمنها باستقرار المنطقة العربية. هذا التوظيف لا يستقيم إلا بالتحكم بموارد المقاومة ومنابعها وبنيتها الداخلية واستراتيجية عملها وحتى في توقيت عملياتها.
حصر المقاومة بحزب الله تحت الوصاية السورية-الإيرانية أفرز أمورا ثلاثة:
أولها: انفصال المقاومة عن المجتمع اللبناني، وتحولها إلى بنية خاصة، ذات تراتبية ولائية في داخلها. الأمر الذي أخرجها عن عموميتها وتسبب باستقلالها وانفصالها عن مصدر زخمها بل عن مصدر مشروعيتها، باعتمادها مشروعية عقدية خاصة غريبة على النسيج المجتمعي، وتأكيد جوهريتها الذاتية قبال المجتمع والدولة معاً. هذا تجلى، بقصد أو بغير قصد، بالثلاثية التي روج لها الحزب: الجيش والشعب والمقاومة. وهو شعار يثبت المقاومة كياناً مستقلاً عن المجتمع (الشعب)، ومنفصلاً بالكامل عن الدولة (الجيش الذي هو أهم أدوات الدولة السيادية).
حصل تلازم بل تطابق بين المعتقد الولايتي للحزب والمقاومة، بحيث لا قيمة لمقاومة من دون هذا المعتقد، وباتت نشاطاً لا يراعي مقتضيات الإجتماع اللبناني، بل مأسوراً ومحكوما لما يسمونه بالتكليف الشرعي القائم على غيبيات نبؤاتية وتأويلات سلطوية تناقض في طبيعتها ومنطقها ومؤداها أصل العقد الاجتماعي وفكرة الدولة، لأي مجتمع وأية دولة. لذلك، وبدلا من انبثاق فعل المقاومة عن المجتمع ليعود آخر الأمر يصب في كيان الدولة الذي هو الإطار والمدخل الحصري لحفظ وبقاء الكيان اللبناني نفسه، حصل فصل كامل بين المقاومة التي باتت مطابقة للهوية الحزبية وتقوم على كثافة عقدية دينية من جهة وبين الهوية الوطنية التي تتسم بعموم عابر للطوائف لا يقبل التخصيص بهوية طائفية أو دينية خاصة.
ثانيها: خروج المقاومة عن أغراضها التحررية، بفعل التزامها وتبعيتها لمحور إقليمي. صحيح أن هذا المحور وفر للحزب مقدرات عسكرية مميزة، إلا أن هذه المقدرات تم استعمالها لما هو أبعد من أغراض المقاومة ووظيفتها، لتكون في خدمة سياسيات ومصالح واستراتيجيات الحلف السوري-الإيراني. هذه الوضعية قلبت المقاومة من وسيلة لخدمة غاية وطنية حصراً، إلى وسيلة لخدمة غاية أخرى خارجة عن مقصدها وهدفها بل مناقضة لهما في حالات كثيرة. وهو أمر ظهر في دعم الحزب اللامشروط للاحتلال السوري في لبنان، وفي أداء الحزب على الجبهة الجنوبية بطريقة تتناغم مع إيقاع إيران الإقليمي والدولي، وفي انتشار السلاح “المقاوم” في بقاع متفرقة ومتباعدة من الأرض لا صلة لفكرة المقاومة بها، ومتورطاً في معارك لم يعد بالإمكان تسويغها أخلاقياً أو إدراجها فعلاً مقاوماً، ما اضطر القيِّمين على هذا السلاح تكرار الاعتراف الكامل بالتبعية المالية والأيديولوجية والسياسية لإيران.
ثالثها: تكثيف المضمون الديني، وفق السردية الشيعية الولايتية لنشاط حزب الله، ما ولَّد حصرية معاكسة للفعل الديني نفسه. أي بدلاً من اعتبار الفعل المقاوم للحزب أحد أوجه الإيمان الديني، بات هذا الإيمان متقوماً بالتراتبية الولائية للحزب نفسه، ما ولد ذهنية إقصائية صارمة ضد أي نشاط أو اجتهاد أو حتى تعبد ديني لا يندرج ضمن هرمية سطوته وسلطة منظومته. بات الحزب بنظره فسطاط الإيمان كله مقابل الكفر كله الذي هو كل شيء خارجه. وهي ذهنية رفعت من منسوب نرجسية الحزب إلى درجة عالية، وعطلت فيه قدرة الإستماع للمختلف وتقبل أي نقد، واللواذ بالتهمة الجاهزة والعمالة الملفقة لكل خصم.
صارت المقاومة حزباً، لا من حيث المبدأ والمفهوم، وإنما لجهة تغريبها المتعمد عن المجتمع، ووضعها قبال الدولة لا في كنفها ومن مؤسساتها، وتحول عنوانها إلى شبكة مصالح خاصة وارتباطات جزئية وتورطها في صراعات إقليمية لا يستوجبها غرض المقاومة نفسه ولا تصب عوائدها لصالح المجتمع أو الدولة أو الوطن بل تناقضها في أكثر الأحيان. هذا إضافة إلى إلباس المقاومة لباساً عقائدياً دينياً ليس من أصلها أو طبيعتها ولا يقبل التعميم. كل ذلك أثار ريبة متصاعدة بينها وبين المجتمع، جعل أكثر المجتمع يشكك بجدواها أو مصداقية عملها، وجعل “المقاومة” تحذر من المجتمع نفسه وتخشى تحولاته ومتغيراته وحراكه، ما دفعها إلى بناء تحالفات سياسية محلية وإقليمية تستغني بها عن مشروعية الداخل، والعمل على فرض ترتيبات سياسية وعهود سلطة، لتفرض نفسها من خلال هذه العهود على المجتمع، وتتحصن بها من نقمة المجتمع أو انقلابه عليها، بدل التقوي بالتفافه حولها والإجماع العام عليها.
عندما تغترب “المقاومة” عن المجتمع وتصبح قوة تنافس قوة الدولة وتضاهيها، فلتبحث لنفسها عن إسم آخر.

The post وليد شقير: الاختناق السوريّ وما يخشاه حزب الله/منير الربيع: الحريري بين ثأر باسيل وهدية حزب الله المسمومة/وجيه قانصو: عندما تصير المقاومة حزباً appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

إياد أبو شقرا: خطوة طهران التالية قمع مستعمراتها الجديدة/سلمان الدوسري: آخر علاج العراق كي إيران/د. جبريل العبيدي: ساحات بغداد: إيران بره بره

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خطوة طهران التالية… قمع مستعمراتها الجديدة
إياد أبو شقرا/الشرق الأوسط/10 تشرين الثاني/2019

آخر علاج العراق كي إيران
سلمان الدوسري/الشرق الأوسط/10 تشرين الثاني/2019

ساحات بغداد: «إيران بره بره»
د. جبريل العبيدي/الشرق الأوسط/10 تشرين الثاني/2019

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خطوة طهران التالية… قمع مستعمراتها الجديدة
إياد أبو شقرا/الشرق الأوسط/10 تشرين الثاني/2019
لا أدري مدى دقة أو صدق ذلك التقرير الذي تداولته بعض الصحف اللبنانية، قبل بضع سنوات، عمّا «نقله» وزير دفاع نظام دمشق فهد جاسم الفريج من القيادة الإيرانية عن أن طهران استثمرت في سوريا لتاريخه أكثر من 20 مليار دولار أميركي.
يومذاك، وفق التقرير، طالبت طهران، مقابل استثماراتها و«تضحياتها» البشرية والسياسية والعسكرية، بأراضٍ تمتد على مساحات شاسعة من شمال سوريا إلى جنوبها. ومن ثم، على أثر نقل الفريج الرسالة لرئيسه، يقال إن التدخّل الروسي بدأ يأخذ شكلاً مختلفاً وأكثر مباشرة، من دون أن يشكِّل مواجهة صريحة مع الحليف التكتيكي إيران. وظهر ذلك، عبر الوجود العسكري المتكامل الروسي في شمال غربي سوريا، بما فيها جبال العلويين وادي النضارة (أو النصارى). ولاحقاً، سجّل حضور روسي في الجنوب السوري يتمثل في «الفرقة الخامسة». وكما جاء تدخل موسكو في الشمال الغربي موحياً بحماية الأقليتين العلوية والمسيحية اللتين لا تستسيغان العيش في ظل «الولي الفقيه»، فإن «الفرقة الخامسة» وفّرت لأقلية ثالثة هي الموحدون الدروز فرصة ضئيلة لحماية وجودهم من التمدّد الإيراني المتمثل أساساً في ميليشيا «حزب الله»، التي تصول وتجول في منطقة حوران، وتعمل على بناء «ممر طهران – بيروت».
مناسبة هذا الكلام، هو تطوّر الأحداث المتلاحقة في كل من العراق ولبنان، والاقتراب أكثر من التقسيم الواقعي لسوريا.
ومن واقع ما يحدث، يتأكد أن القيادة الإيرانية – التي تعتمد اعتماداً كلياً على سطوة «الحرس الثوري» داخل إيران نفسها – لا يمكن أن تفرّط في ما حققته من هيمنة داخل العالم العربي منذ 1979.
يستحيل أن تضحّي طهران بعشرات المليارات من الدولارات التي أنفقتها وتنفقها على التوسّع وتثبيت الاحتلالات، وبالمنجزات «الثأرية» التاريخية التي تشكل جوهر الفكر السياسي والمذهبي للحكم الإيراني… ولو كان الثمن أنهار دم… بما فيها دم الشيعة العرب، بعدما تفنّنت بتهجير السنّة العرب، من دون أن تحافظ على بقاء المسيحيين.
إن التحدّي لهيمنة إيران على العراق، من كربلاء إلى الناصرية، والنجف إلى العمارة، والحلّة إلى البصرة، وكلها ذات غالبية شيعية،… ليس بالأمر البسيط، ولا يعقل أن يسكت عنه لا قاسم سليماني، ولا أتباعه الذين زرعهم قادة وزعماء يسبّحون بحمده في عراق اليوم!
ولا يختلف الأمر كثيراً في جنوب لبنان وشمال شرقه، حيث انتفض أبناء النبطية وصور وكفر رمان كما تظاهر أبناء بعلبك… وحيث غدت إطلالات الأمين العام لـ«حزب الله» وتهديداته المبطنة أشبه بالمسلسلات التلفزيونية العادية.
بالأمس، مع استمرار الحراك العراقي والتصدّي له بالرصاص الحي، اتخذت القوات الأمنية قراراً تصعيدياً بحصر المظاهرات في ساحة التحرير على جانب الرصافة من بغداد. وهذا، عملياً، يعني خنقها وتحويلها من انتفاضة إلى «فولكلور» لعدسات وسائل الإعلام. والبديهي سياسياً، أن هناك إصراراً من السلطة السياسية وأذرعها الأمنية المرتبطة قياداتها الطائفية بطهران على الفصل بين الشقّ المطلبي والشقّ السياسي، وكأن الفساد المالي والسياسي منفصل عن واقع الهيمنة الذي يحول دون المساءلة، ومن ثم، دون المعاقبة.
ما يصدق في العراق يصدق في لبنان. إذ لا يمكن في دولة طبيعية وحقيقية تديرها حكومات خاضعة لمراقبة برلمان خاضع بدوره لمحاسبة الشعب، تفاقم ظاهرة النهب بالملايين والمليارات… ولكن هذا بالضبط ما يحصل.
في العراق وفي لبنان تُمسك بالحياة السياسية والأمنية، وتهيمن على أجهزة الإدارة العامة والقضاء «الحالة الإيرانية» ممثلة في أحزاب «الحشد الشعبي» و«حزب الله». ومن ثم، لا فساد خارج هذه «الحالة» والمستفيد منها والمتعاون معها والمحتمي بها.
أما الفوارق الأبرز حتى اللحظة بين الوضعين العراقي واللبناني، فهي:
1 – أن القمع اتخذ طابعاً دموياً في العراق، في حين ما زال اللبنانيون – مرحلياً – بمأمن من «حرب إلغاء» يشنها «حزب الله» الجانب المسلح الوحيد خارج بنية الدولة.
2 – أن الوضع الاقتصادي المنهار في لبنان ما زال يغلّب الجانب المطلبي البحت على العمق الاحتلالي، ولئن كانت غالبية العقلاء من اللبنانيين تدرك العلاقة العضوية بين الاحتلال والفساد، فإنها لا تريد حالياً استفزاز فائض القوة عند «حزب الله»… واستدراجه لقمع دموي، مضاره أكبر من فوائده.
3 – في حين أن القرار السياسي الحكومي في العراق شيعي يمثل، علناً، الفعاليات السياسية والميليشياوية التابعة لإيران، فإن الوجه الدستوري في لبنان تعدّدي، بوجود رئيس مسيحي، ورئيس حكومة سنّي تسمح – وسمحت – له بيئته الطائفية بالاستقالة في تحدٍ غير مباشر للتهديدات الإيرانية المنقولة عبر «حزب الله»!
4 – لبنان متاخم لإسرائيل، وهذا أمر يستوجب ترتيبات وحسابات إيرانية خاصة.
مع هذا، قد تقرّر طهران الحسم العسكري مهما كلف الأمر.
قد ترى أن الظرف مؤاتٍ الآن، بالتوازي مع سير سوريا نحو التقسيم الواقعي – ولو بصيغة فيدرالية – وتقاسم النفوذ على أرضها، وأخطاء الحسابات التركية، واستمرار أزمة الحكم في إسرائيل بكل مناكفاتها وهروبها نحو التطرف. وأيضاً، أمام خلفية مشهد دولي ضبابي خطير يسوده الضياع الأميركي والتسلل الروسي والارتباك على امتداد أوروبا.
في حسابات طهران، أن العالم الذي نجحت في الرهان على انقسام مواقفه في موضوع اتفاقها النووي، سيكون عاجزاً عن التفاهم على أي استراتيجية لمنع حسمها ضد مناوئيها، ولا سيما، إذا وفّرت الذرائع التي يود المجتمع الدولي تصديقها.
مع هذا، يجب القول بشيء من التفاؤل إن «المشروع الإيراني» الذي عمل على «شيطنة» السنّة و«دعشنتهم» والترويج لأكذوبة مساهمة طهران في «الحرب على الإرهاب» (السنّي، طبعاً) و«حماية الأقليات» منه – بتواطؤ من عدة جهات – تلقى ضربة موجعة من قلب البيئة الشيعية.
لقد أسقطه الشيعة قبل غيرهم، بل، ومن كربلاء نفسها… بكل رمزيتها. قد يقول رئيس الوزراء عادل عبد المهدي ما يشاء، وينظّر ما يشاء، من أجل المحافظة على وضع شاذٍ، وقد يواصل الأمين العام لـ«حزب الله» رهانه على فرض مشيئته بتهديد اللبنانيين بالحرب، ودفعه رئيس جمهورية حليفاً إلى تعطيل أي حل سياسي حقيقي… قد يحصل هذا وذاك، لكن لا ضمانة بعد اليوم بأن تنجح طهران في قمع «مستعمراتها» الجديدة!

آخر علاج العراق كي إيران
سلمان الدوسري/الشرق الأوسط/10 تشرين الثاني/2019
شكلت الحياة السياسية في العراق منذ تأسيسه في 1921 حالة مختلفة عن طبيعة الحكم في أي دولة عربية أخرى، فمن النظام الملكي الذي دشن عهده مع تأسيس البلاد، إلى النظام الجمهوري في عهد عبد الكريم قاسم، ثم وصول حزب البعث إلى السلطة في 1968 واستمراره حتى الغزو الأميركي عام 2003 وتغيير النظام السياسي، الذي سجل لحظة فارقة لدى الشعب العراقي الذي كان يأمل في حياة كريمة أفضل مما كان يعيشها خلال حكم النظام السابق، حيث بلغ العراقيون أخيراً النموذج الذي رأوه مناسباً للحكم في بلادهم، حتى إن كان شكلاً من أشكال الديمقراطية التوافقية التي تركز على التقسيمات الطائفية والقومية كأولوية، وبغض النظر عن رضى العراقيين لشكل نظامهم الحاكم من عدمه، وحتى لو رفع المتظاهرون في العراق مطالب إسقاط النظام، بل ولو افترضنا جدلاً سقوط النظام بأكمله، فلن يكون الحل أبداً في ذلك، فالمشكلة ليست في النظام القائم مهما بدت مساوئه، وإنما في التغلغل الإيراني الذي لن يعدم الحيلة لإعادة تصدير ثورته وممارسة تدخلاته مهما كان مستقبل النظام الذي يحكم العراق. يمكن القول إن الإيرانيين حققوا المكاسب مرتين من سقوط نظام صدام حسين؛ فهم من جهة تخلصوا من منافس وعدو تاريخي لهم، ومن جهة أخرى استفادوا من القوى العراقية التي تسيطر على مفاصل الدولة وتغلغلها في الحكم وغدوا هم الرقم الصعب بينهم، ولذلك وكما حدث بالضبط في مظاهرات لبنان، اعتبرت إيران بأنها المستهدفة الأولى من المظاهرات التي تعم المناطق العراقية، أليس علي شمخاني الأمين العام للمجلس الأعلى للأمن القومي الإيراني من قال إن متظاهري العراق هؤلاء هم الدواعش؟! ألم يصرح رئيس أركان القوات المسلحة الإيرانية اللواء محمد باقري، بأن الأعداء يحيكون مؤامرات في لبنان والعراق لركوب موجة الاحتجاجات، وهنا لنتذكر بأنه قبل نحو عام، هاجم المتظاهرون القنصلية الإيرانية في البصرة جنوب البلاد بالشعار الشهير «إيران برّه بره»، فلا يخفى على أحد أن النفوذ الإيراني انتشر في جميع الطبقات السياسية، حتى أن الشركات الإيرانية الكبرى التابعة لـ«الحرس الثوري» أصبحت جزءاً من النسيج الاقتصادي العراقي ومقدمة مصالحها على المصالح الوطنية العراقية، حيث تنمو التبادلات التجارية بين البلدين اللذين تجمعهما حدود مشتركة تبلغ 1400 كيلومتر، علما بأن العراق أكبر سوق لصادرات إيران غير النفطية، أليس ذلك كافياً بأن يظل بعبع الفساد حاضراً من البوابة الإيرانية إلى أبد الآبدين. العراق منذ 2003 تغير فيه كل شيء؛ أحزاب تذهب وتأتي وحكومات تتعاقب وانتخابات تحضر ومطالبات بإنهاء الفساد، سوى أمر واحد كان عنصراً أساسياً وثابتاً، وهو التغلغل الإيراني الذي ثبت أنه الوحيد الذي يفترض أن يتغير في المعادلة، فمهما انقلب العراقيون على أوضاعهم البائسة، ومهما تغيرت الحكومة وأتت حكومة جديدة، كلها علاجات مسكّنة لا طائل منها. العلاج الحقيقي يكمن في كي التدخلات الإيرانية وقطع دابرها، وبغير ذلك ستزيد الخسائر الاقتصادية والسياسية والاجتماعية بين العراقيين، وستقمع المظاهرات تلو المظاهرات.
فعلاً كما قالت زعيمة المعارضة الإيرانية مريم رجوي إن نفوذ نظام الملالي أخطر من القنبلة الذرية مئات المرات.

ساحات بغداد: «إيران بره بره»
د. جبريل العبيدي/الشرق الأوسط/10 تشرين الثاني/2019
ساحات العراق تنزف دماً، ويسقط فيها العشرات بين جريح وقتيل، بينما يواصل المتظاهرون الهتاف «نريد وطناً وإيران بره بره»، في مظاهرات شاركت فيها جميع شرائح الشعب العراقي، ولم يتغيب عنها حتى مرضى السرطان، الذين ارتدوا كمامات وأقنعة ضد الغازات، من مدخراتهم البسيطة، بعد أن عجزت الحكومات العراقية عن علاجهم. «ثورة تشرين»، الاسم الذي أطلقه المتظاهرون على احتجاجات العراق، التي اندلعت في الأول من أكتوبر (تشرين الأول) الماضي، في بغداد وباقي عموم العراق، بسبب الفساد الحكومي، حيث يحتل العراق المرتبة الـ12 في لائحة الدول الأكثر فساداً في العالم، بينما يعاني في الوقت نفسه من البطالة وتردي الأوضاع المعيشية. مظاهرات العراق، التي أسفرت عن سقوط أكثر من 12 ألف جريح، وأكثر من 300 قتيل، جعلت منظمات دولية تعبر عن حالة القلق من استخدام القوة المفرطة في التعامل مع المتظاهرين، حيث وجهت الاتهامات لقوات مكافحة الشغب بإطلاق الرصاص الحي ضد المتظاهرين، واتهامات أخرى للميليشيات المرتبطة بإيران، مثل ميليشيا «سرايا الخراساني»، التي تسميتها تفضح التبعية للفارسي، فالخراساني واحد من أحفاد آخر الأكاسرة يزدجرد الثالث، وهم بذلك ينبئون بعودة الحكم لأحفاده الفرس، فهي ميليشيا عراقية مسلحة لها شعار «الحرس الثوري» الإيراني نفسه.
سقوط مزيد من القتلى زاد من مشاعر الغضب في صفوف المتظاهرين، فهؤلاء سقطوا أثناء مصادمات بين قوات الأمن العراقية ومحتجين سلميين عزل، وذلك على الرغم من مطالبة المرجع الشيعي، علي السيستاني، بـ«تجنب العنف»، واحترام مطالب المتظاهرين، ورغم النفي المتكرر من قبل قوات الأمن العراقية، إلا أن وقوع عدد بهذا الحجم يجعل المسؤولية تقع على الحكومة وقواتها الأمنية، فمسؤولية حماية المتظاهرين وأماكن التظاهر تقع على الحكومة، مهما اختلقت من أعذار ومبررات.
هذه المظاهرات في بغداد خصوصاً، والعراق عامة، التي شهدت إحراق مقرات حزبية، خصوصاً تلك المرتبطة بالولاء لإيران، وإحراق واجهة القنصلية الإيرانية في كربلاء، ورفع العلم العراقي فوق أسوارها… هذه المظاهرات تؤكد مدى الغضب الشعبي من التدخل الإيراني السافر في الشأن العراقي، ما يعكس حالة غليان شعبي كان مكبوتاً، ولا أظن أحداً يستطيع التحكم به، ولو أوغل في الدماء، فالأزمة أكبر من المحاولات الخجولة لاحتوائها ضمن صفقة تبقي حكومة عبد المهدي، الذي يتهمه المتظاهرون بالتبعية لإيران، التي سعت من خلال الدفع بجنرال حربها قاسم سليماني، الذي جاء العراق في سفرة تهدف لإنقاذ الحكومة.
أيضاً محاولات رئيس البرلمان العراقي محمد الحلبوسي، دعوة ممثلين عن المظاهرات للحضور إلى مقر مجلس النواب، والسماع إلى مطالبهم، باءت بالفشل بعد رفضها من غالبية المتظاهرين.
معالجة الحكومة كانت مرتكزة على شماعة «المندسين»، الأمر الذي لم يعد مقنعاً للمتظاهرين الغاضبين، من استخدام الحكومة للقوة المفرطة ضد المتظاهرين السلميين. التخوف من كرة الثلج ولهب النار في العراق زعزع أركان دول لها أذرع عابثة في المشهد العراقي، ولعل تصريحات إردوغان التي قال فيها: «دعوني أكن صريحاً، لدينا تكهنات بشأن من يقف وراء هذه الاضطرابات، كما أننا نظن أنه من الممكن أن تمتد هذه إلى إيران». تؤكد حالة التخوف هذه من حركة الشعب، الذي عبر عنه إردوغان بطريقته، الهاجس الذي يخشاه النظام الإيراني، وهو المتورط والعابث في اضطرابات لبنان واليمن، وهو ما سيحرك من ثم الشارع الإيراني ضده، فالشعب الإيراني المكمم بقوات «الباسيج» و«الحرس الثوري»، يرفض تدخل بلاده وإنفاقها من أمواله على صناعة الفوضى والاضطرابات في دول الجوار، وما تجاوز حتى الجوار. مظاهرات العراق المطالبة بوطن عراقي خالص وخالٍ من إيران وأتباعها، حافظت على حياديتها، ورفضت ونبذت الشعارات الطائفية، رغم محاولات الميليشيات المرتبطة بالفساد وإيران، اختراق صفوفهم.

The post إياد أبو شقرا: خطوة طهران التالية قمع مستعمراتها الجديدة/سلمان الدوسري: آخر علاج العراق كي إيران/د. جبريل العبيدي: ساحات بغداد: إيران بره بره appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

علي الأمين:الإنتفاضة تهزّ الطوائف والثنائيّة الشيعيّة بالمرصاد/وليد حسين:أحد الإصرار هتافات برحيل عون ودعوة لمحاصرة مجلس النواب/لوسي بارسخيان:الإصرار الثوري يجمع البقاع الشمالي وأحمد قعبور يناديهم

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الإنتفاضة “تهزّ” الطوائف… و”الثنائيّة الشيعيّة” بالمرصاد!
علي الأمين/نداء الوطن/11 تشرين الثاني 2019
في محاولة قراءة مشهد الانتفاضة اللبنانية المستمر منذ 17 تشرين الأول، يمكن ملاحظة أن هذه الانتفاضة أحدثت اختراقاً في البنى التقليدية على مستوى طوائف عدة، أحدثت اختراقاً قوياً في البنية المسيحية والذي أدى الى خروج المنتفضين على الزعامات المسيحية ولا سيما القوة التي مثلها “التيار الوطني الحر” برئاسة جبران باسيل وامتداداً إلى رئيس الجمهورية، ساعد على هذا الخروج التنوع والتناقضات الفعالة داخل هذه البيئة، وكذلك الحال داخل البيئة السنية التي خرج المنتفضون من داخلها على رئيس الحكومة سعد الحريري ومختلف الزعامات السنية من دون تهيّب أو تردد، فلم تتهيّب مدينة طرابلس أن تنزع صور زعاماتها وسياسييها عن كل جدران المدينة واعمدتها وشرفات المنازل، على رغم محاولات حثيثة لاستنهاض عصب مذهبي أو طائفي كانت الانتفاضة اللبنانية وما زالت تعبيراً عن التمرد والاحتجاج على زعماء الطائفة وممثليها في سياق التمرد على السلطة الحاكمة على وجه العموم.
لعل البيئتين المسيحية والسنية هما الأكثر حضوراً في مشهد الانتفاضة اللبنانية، من زاوية التمرد على السلطة الطائفية، وهو في نسبة أقل لكنها حاضرة في البنية المجتمعية الدرزية التي أظهرت بحدود ملامح خروج على السلطة داخل الطائفة، وهو ما يدفع زعيم “الحزب الاشتراكي” وليد جنبلاط إلى محاولة تفادي الاهتزازات البنيوية لزعامته الدرزية، ودعا أخيراً لملاقاة الانتفاضة بوسائل منها محاولة تبني مطالبها أو من خلال الدعوة الى حزب تقدمي اشتراكي جديد، سعياً إلى امتصاص الاحتجاج والنقمة المتنامية وهذا المسعى هو للخروج من قوالب تقليدية قبل أن يتضح المطلب السياسي للانتفاضة اللبنانية والذي لم يزل غائباً. يجدر القول إن البيئة الشيعية شهدت احتجاجات مطلبية غير مسبوقة في عصر الثنائية الشيعية، كانت صور مسرحاً لها في بداية الانتفاضة وكذلك مدينة النبطية وبلدة كفررمان وبعض الحواشي الريفية التي أمكن رصدها في العديد من القرى والبلدات في الجنوب والبقاع من دون أن ننسى مدينة بعلبك التي انتزع المنتفضون فيها حق التظاهر الذي صودر فيها منذ عقود.
ليس ما جرى في صور والنبطية وفي بعلبك وفي غيرها من الهوامش المجتمعية الشيعية، أمراً عادياً، بل هو حدث استثنائي يصعب رصد ما يشبهه في العقود الثلاثة الأخيرة، لجهة الاحتجاج في الشارع على السلطة من خارج سطوة طرفي الثنائية الشيعية واشرافهما.
بل ثمة عمل بطولي وكسر لحواجز نفسية وسياسية لم يكن من الممكن اختراقها من دون هذا المشهد اللبناني الممتد في الجغرافيا وفي ديموغرافيا الطوائف.
لكن ذلك لا يعني أن التمرد أخذ طابعاً مجتمعياً، هو لا يزال أقرب الى التمرد الفردي والاحتجاج المطلبي، الحراك في البيئة الشيعية لم يحدث خرقاً مجتمعياً حقيقياً، يجعل طرفي الثنائية الشيعية خائفين منه، فالاختراق المجتمعي لا يزال خجولاً، فإلى جانب حالة الرعب والخوف المسيطرة في البيئة الشيعية، نجحت الثنائية الشيعية في ترسيخ سيكولوجيا مجتمعية تفكر بطريقة مختلفة، ساهم في اختلافها عن بقية المكونات اللبنانية، عزل المجتمع الشيعي عن المجتمع اللبناني، وهو عزل نفسي وثقافي ونشوء شبكة مصالح مغلقة، فالفرد الشيعي لا نافذة له على الدولة ومؤسساتها ولا على العمل الخاص من خارج حركة “أمل” “وحزب الله”، وهذه ظاهرة لا يمكن معاينتها خارج المجتمع الشيعي في لبنان. وهو ما ساهم في الغاء أي دينامية أو حراك طبيعي داخل الجماعة الشيعية.
واذا دققنا في الاحتجاجات التي عبر عنها الحراك في المناطق ذات الغالبية الشيعية، يمكن ملاحظة أن المسّ بقيادتي الثنائية الشيعية بدا خجولاً اذا ما قيس بما جرى لدى الطوائف الأخرى ولا سيما لدى المسيحيين والسنة، من دون أن نقلل من جرأة وبطولة أولئك الذين انتفضوا في صور والنبطية، وهي بطولات فردية أكثر منها مجتمعية، ولقد شكل اليسار بأوجهه المختلفة مع بعض الناشطين في المجتمع المدني عصب هذا الحراك في البيئة الشيعية عموماً، لكنه لم يحقق الاختراق المجتمعي وبقي على رصيفه.
بقاء الحراك في البيئة الشيعية على صورته المطلبية، والانتفاضة اللبنانية على المدى المطلبي، فذلك يتيح المجال للسلطة السياسية المتحالفة في ما بينها في كل لبنان، قدرة على استيعاب الحراك ببعض المطالب والوعود وصولاً الى تشكيل حكومة تكنوقراط، لكن من دون المسّ بقواعد السلطة ونظامها القوي، وهذا لن يتحقق طالما أن الانتفاضة اللبنانية لم تتبلور في حالة سياسية، أي بالانتقال من المطلب المعيشي الى المطلب السياسي التغييري. الجسم السياسي العابر للطوائف وحده القادر أن يشكل الغطاء لحماية الانتفاضة اللبنانية وللاختراقات داخل الطوائف وفي المجال الشيعي على وجه الخصوص.

“أحد الإصرار”: هتافات برحيل عون ودعوة لمحاصرة مجلس النواب
وليد حسين/المدن/الإثنين 11 تشرين الثاني/2019
في “أحد الإصرار”، الذي دعا إليه الناشطون والمجموعات، اعتصم عشرات آلاف المواطنين والمواطنات في ساحتي رياض الصلح والشهداء، يوم الأحد في 10 تشرين الثاني. لكن خلافاً لتظاهرات أيام الآحاد السابقة، ارتفعت الهتافات والدعوات لرحيل رئيس الجمهورية ميشال عون: “ويالله ارحل يا ميشال عون”، هتفت معظم المجموعات والمواطنون المتحلقون حولها. وإسوة بأيام الثورة المعتادة، عقدت بعض المجموعات ندوات حوارية حول الأمور المستجدة كان لافتاً بينها ندوة خصصت حول قانون العفو العام، المدرج على جلسة مجلس النواب يوم الثلاثاء المقبل. والذي لاقى انتقادات كثيرة لما قد يتضمنه من فخاخ، قد تؤدي إلى تبرئة ناهبي المال العام واصحاب السوابق في مرتكبي الجرائم المالية.
محاصرة المجلس
أتت هذه الندوة بالتزامن مع الدعوات لمحاصرة مجلس النواب يوم الثلاثاء المقبل. فقد تداول الناشطون والمجموعات الدعوات لتنفيذ اعتصام والدعوة لإضراب عام يوم الثلاثاء لإقفال جميع مداخل مجلس النواب لمنع النواب من عقد الجلسة. وتفاوتت الآراء بين اقفال الطرق المحيطة بالمجلس بعد دخول النواب لإجبارهم على البقاء في الداخل حتى إقرار القوانين وفق رغبات الشارع، وليس كما وضعت على جدول الأعمال، أو منع النواب من الدخول إلى المجلس بتاتاً. إذ ثمة إجماع بين الناشطين يقتضي بمنع المجلس من الانعقاد للتشريع قبل تشكيل الحكومة. وبالتالي، استقر الرأي على منع النواب من الدخول مهما كلف الأمر. وهذا بمثابة ورقة ضغط كبيرة لفرض تسريع الاستشارات النيابية لتأليف حكومة جديدة انتقالية. لذا، دعا “تجمع مهنيات ومهنيين”، في بيان، إلى الإضراب العام يوم الثلاثاء، من أجل “منع مجلس النواب من إقرار عفو عن الظالمين بحجة العفو عن مظلومين”، وإلى “المشاركة في التظاهر في محيط البرلمان، وفي المناطق اللبنانية كافة قبل انعقاد الجلسة (التشريعية)، من أجل تأكيد مطالبنا بأولوية معالجة الأزمة الاقتصادية- الاجتماعية، التي تسببت بها السلطة الحاكمة، وباستقلالية القضاء، وضرورة تشكيل حكومة انتقالية، لا تتمثل فيها أحزاب السلطة”.
أساتذة “اللبنانية”
من جهتها، دعت الهيئة التنفيذية لـ”رابطة الأساتذة المتفرغين” في الجامعة اللبنانية، في بيان، “جميع أهل الجامعة، إلى إضراب عام نهار الثلاثاء”، وإلى “المشاركة الكثيفة في اعتصام مركزي للأساتذة، أمام مجلس النواب الساعة 11 من صباح هذا النهار (التجمع أمام مسجد محمد الأمين)، رفضاً واستنكاراً لممارسات السلطة المتمثلة بما يلي:
– المماطلة والمراوحة غير المجدية، بدلاً من المباشرة بتحقيق مطالب الشعب، وخاصة الإسراع بتشكيل حكومة جديدة مختلفة عن سابقاتها توحي بالثقة، تبدأ بحل الأزمة الاقتصادية، السياسية والاجتماعية.
– استمرار التدخل بالقضاء، بدلا من تعزيز استقلاليته، ليحكم بالعدل في كل القضايا، ومنها كل ما يتعلق بالفساد والمحاسبة واستعادة الأموال المنهوبة.
– توجهها لإقرار قوانين تلبي مطالب مادية لفئات دون أخرى، وهنا نتساءل عن هذا التمييز الجائر، وعن معنى مقولة تشريع الضرورة.
– النكث بوعودها في تحقيق مطالب أهل الجامعة، المتمثلة باتفاق النقاط السبع، وفيها التفرغ والدخول إلى الملاك، والثلاث درجات وحماية صندوق التعاضد وزيادة موازنة الجامعة وقانون الخمس سنوات”. وأكدت أنها “تضاعف إصرارها على إقرار المطالب، في الوقت الذي تعمل فيه السلطة على إقرار مطالب مشابهة لغير أهل الجامعة”، مؤكدة أنها “في صلب الحراك الشعبي، وكانت سباقة في تحركها، دعمها ومساندتها لحراك الاساتذة والطلاب والتلامذة”، لافتة إلى أن “استمرار السلطة في ممارساتها يزيد من غضب الشعب ويوسع الهوة بينها وبينه”.
استمرت الحالة الثورية في الساحة على حالها كما في الأيام السابقة، والتي تؤكد اصرار المتظاهرين في عدم الخروج من الشارع. وبدا واضحاً أن المتظاهرين يريدون الإسراع في تشكيل حكومة، للعمل على حل الأزمة التي يعيش فيها لبنان، والتي يقع على عاتقها تحمل تداعيات الانهيار الحاصل. وبمعزل عن شكل الحكومة، ثمة اصرار من جميع الناشطين والمجموعات الفاعلة على الأرض في عدم المشاركة في أي حكومة مقبلة تريدها السلطة القائمة لتبريد الشارع، وحقن المواطنين بإبر مسكنات لا أكثر ولا أقل.
وبينما استمر تحرك المجموعات الناشطة في تنظيم التظاهرات في بيروت، كما حصل اليوم في التظاهرة الكبيرة التي مشت من أمام وزارة الداخلية نحو ساحة رياض الصلح، عمدت المجموعات إلى الاعتصام أمام مؤسسة كهرباء لبنان. ونصبت الخيم أمامها، في نية لتنفيذ اعتصام مفتوح أمامها.
الهلع من المصارف
وإلى قرقعة الطناجر التي تستمر لليوم الرابع في الساحات والمنازل عند الساعة الثامنة مساء، والتي يعبّر اللبنانيون من خلالها عن انتهاء مدة صلاحية الحكومة وعليها الرحيل، استمر المتظاهرون في ترديد الهتافات التقليدية التي تعبر عن غضب الناس من السلطة السياسية. بينما تركزت معظم نقاشات المواطنين في الساحتين حول الهلع الذي أصاب الناس خلال الأيام الماضية بسبب إجراءات المصارف في وضع حد على السحوبات النقدية بالليرة وبالدولار. إذا تناقل المواطنون أخباراً عن وقف بعض البنوك نهائياً السحب بالدولار. وهذا رفع مستوى الهلع الذي سينعكس بدوره على تهافت المواطنين إلى المصارف يوم الثلاثاء بعد فتح أبوابها، ما قد يؤدي إلى حصول مشاكل كثيرة في حال لم يضخ المصرف المركزي السيولة اللازمة.

الإصرار الثوري يجمع البقاع الشمالي.. وأحمد قعبور “يناديهم”
لوسي بارسخيان/المدن/الإثنين 11 تشرين الثاني/2019
في أحد “ساحات الإصرار” جمعت “الثورة” بيومها الخامس والعشرين في بعلبك الهرمل، أهالي عرسال، اللبوة، العين، الهرمل والفاكهة، في “ساحة زيتون” التي باتت تعرف بساحة الثورة، حيث علت الأصوات مع الفنان أحمد قعبور، لتحطم تلك الصورة النمطية التي عممت حول هذه المحافظة، وألصقت بها كل صفات الإخلال بالأمن وتجاوز القوانين، وصولاً إلى دعشنة بعض أهلها، والترويج لسياسات “تفرقة”، خلفت تداعيات كبيرة أساءت إلى المجتمع البعلبكي المتنوع بتركيبته الاجتماعية والسياسية الحزبية والطبقية.. شكلت محلة “الزيتون” في الفاكهة منذ إنطلاقة الثورة، ساحة المعركة “الأقوى” لتغيير هذه الصورة، وعلى رغم ما تعرضت له عشية استقالة الرئيس الحريري، من محاولات اضطهاد، لمحاصرتها ومنع توسعة تأثيرها على نطاق أوسع في بعلبك، صمدت وقاومت حتى أصبحت ملاذ “أحرار الثورة” المصرّين على إسماع صوتهم، ولو في أصعب ظروف “القمع والتهويل”، فاكتسبت مناعة أكبر تجاه الفتنة التي حاولت تفريق أبناء هذه المنطقة وفصل قهر أهل عرسال والزيتون، عن فقر وبطالة أهل الهرمل واللبوة… ولكن المشاكل التي لاحقت الثوار أقلقت البعض وجعلتهم كما يقول ينكفئون عن المشاركة اليومية في نشاطات الساحة. ومن هنا، كان نشاط يوم الأحد الذي استضاف الفنان أحمد قعبور، ضرورياً لإعادة تحفيز أهل المنطقة، وللتأكيد كما يقول الناشطون أنه “مهما اضطهدنا عدنا، والعودة هذه المرة، ستكون بزخم أكبر، للمشاركة مع باقي ثوار لبنان، في نضال الأيام المقبلة..”
30 شاباً وشابة وواتساب
كنموذج مصغر عن ساحة رياض الصلح بدت “ساحة الثورة” في زيتون مساء الأحد، وسط بيئة حزبية لم تبدِ في البداية ترحيباً بانتفاضة اللبنانيين في وجه السلطة السياسية القائمة، وحاولت تحطيم شعارها الأقوى “كلن يعني كلن”. إلا أن “ثوار” البقاع الشمالي أصروا على إيصال صوتهم، كما يشرح أحد شباب المنطقة الناشطين أحمد سكرية. فبدأت تحركاتهم بداية بشكل عفوي، ليصبح لها لاحقاً إطاراً تنظيمياً، يتألف من نحو 30 شاباً وصبية، نجحوا من خلال تطبيق واتساب، بخلق مجموعات في مختلف القرى البقاعية، نسقت فيما بينها لإبقاء ساحة “زيتون” مشتعلة طيلة الأيام الماضية، حتى خفقت فيها الثورة مجدداً، بأقسى حدها في “أحد الإصرار”. تبدو “ساحة الثورة” في زيتون، نموذجاً عن “الوطن” الذي يطمح إليه شبابها. وتعبر عن أخلاقية “تعاون” برزت في مختلف الساحات، لإبقاء المكان الذي تحول “بيتاً ثانياً” للثوار “نظيفاً” بالمعنيين الحقيقي والمجازي.
أنوثة الثورة
تجمع ثورة هذا الجزء من بعلبك ثورات أخرى فيها. فأن تجد في الساحة مستوعبات فرز للنفايات، في مقابل غرق البلدة قبل مدة بنفاياتها، فهذه ثورة بحد ذاتها. وأن تلعب المرأة في هذا المجتمع المحافظ الدور في تحفيز سيدات قرى البقاع ورجالها، وتحملهم على تحمل مسؤوليتهم ببناء “مستقبل الوطن كما بعلبك الهرمل”، هذه ثورة أيضاً. وحسب سكرية فإن أغلبية الناشطين في مجموعات هذه المنطقة هم من السيدات. وتعبيراً عن التقدير لدورهن، جسّد رضا الشيخ علي وهو أحد موهوبي البلدة، “أنوثة” الثورة في رسمة لونت زفت الساحة الأسود، إلى جانب تخطيط تأريخ انطلاقتها في هذا المكان.
ستجد في الساحة أيضا جدارية ثبتت منذ 17 تشرين الأول، تحمل طموحات كل من ترددوا على هذا المكان ومطالبهم، وأمانيهم على المستوى الشخصي وعلى مستوى الوطن، فتجتاح أحرف كتابتها الأهداف التي انطلقت لأجلها الثورة، والتي باتت شبه موحدة في كل الأراضي اللبنانية.
عرسال هنا أيضاً
يبدو لعرسال في المقابل مكانة خاصة في هذه الساحة، هي التي حملت العبء عن كل لبنان في إيواء النازحين السوريين إنسانياً، فإذا بنخوة أهلها تحولهم أفقر شرائح بعلبك. ولعرسال هنا أيضا ثورتها الخاصة. ففي أوج مرحلة تفجر الـ”مشاعر الوطنية” المجابهة لسياسات التفرقة”، اختارت أن تمد يدها مجدداً إلى أقرب جاراتها، اللبوة، محطمة ذلك الطوق الذي بقي مفروضاً عليها نفسياً، رغم إزالته أمنياً، بعد انتهاء معركة الجرود. فاستعادت عرسال فعلياً علاقاتها القديمة مع اللبوة، ومعها استعادت وحدة الوطن، قبل أن يستعيدها، لتنشد له مساء الأحد في ساحة “زيتون” بصوت أحمد قعبور، الذي وجه إليها التحية أكثر من مرة. وكأنه بذلك يعينها على الخروج من عزلتها، وتنطلق إلى ساحات النضال المشتركة مع أهالي بعلبك الهرمل عموماً، بمعركة هي لإستعادة “الحقوق” التي تتفوق بعلبك على سائر القرى والمدن اللبنانية، في “الحرمان منها”.
“أنا مموّل الثورة”
بالمقابل أضفى إقبال ضيوف باقي الساحات مساء الأحد، حيوية على ساحة “زيتون”، التي تنوعت فيها الهتافات، لتزداد حماسة كلما ذُكرت عرسال والفاكهة والهرمل.. ولكن، مع استرداد الفاكهة ساحتها بزخم أكبر من السابق، وجمعها الثوار مجدداً على برنامج نضال جديد في الأيام المقبلة، عاد السؤال مجدداً، من أين مصدر تمويل النشاطات اليومية التي نظمت وستنظم في هذه الساحة؟ فتجيب نائبة رئيس بلدية عرسال سابقاً ريما فليطي، الناشطة في أكثر من ساحة: “من الظلم والجوع اللذين دُفعا ثمناً مسبقاً لهذه الثورة، فجعلها لا تحتاج إلى أي تمويل حتى يتجمهر الناس وحدهم في ساحات الثورة.” في زاوية من زوايا خيمة الساحة، صندوق كتب عليه “أنا ممول الثورة”، في إشارة لقيام الثوار، ومن يرغب بدعمهم، بتمويل هذه الثورة من جيوبهم. فبالنسبة لهم النضال بالوقت والمال، هو لإنقاذ كل أبناء بعلبك، حتى لو رفض بعضهم الاعتراف بجهودهم، وقاموا بالتعتيم على حراكهم إعلامياً. برأي ثوار هذه الساحة: “كما تمكن أهالي عرسال والزيتون “السنّة” من تقديم مطالبهم الحقوقية على ولاءاتهم السياسية في إسقاط الحكومة، سيقتنع كل أبناء بعلبك بأن المواقع التي تبنى على حساب كرامة المواطنين وحقوقهم لن يكتب لها أن تستمر طويلاً، وسينضمون إلى الثورة، عاجلاً أم آجلا”.

The post علي الأمين:الإنتفاضة تهزّ الطوائف والثنائيّة الشيعيّة بالمرصاد/وليد حسين:أحد الإصرار هتافات برحيل عون ودعوة لمحاصرة مجلس النواب/لوسي بارسخيان:الإصرار الثوري يجمع البقاع الشمالي وأحمد قعبور يناديهم appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.


المخرج يوسف ي. الخوري/لو سمحت لي سيّد حسن

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لو سمحت لي سيّد حسن
المخرج يوسف ي. الخوري/11 تشرين الثاني/2019

في البداية، أتوجّه إلى سماحتك بالشكر والامتنان على اختيارك اليوم بالذات موعدًا لتقديم “درس الأشيا” الخاص بالأسبوع الثالث لانبعاث الفينيق. وما شكري إلّا من باب التقدير لتواضعك وعدم توقيتك درس هذا الأسبوع بعد كلمة لرئيس جمهوريتنا كما فعلت في الدرسين السابقين، وهو أمر اعتبره التلامذة الثوار تعدّيًا سافرًا على مقام الرئاسة، واستنتجوا أنّك أردتَ من خلاله التأكيد على أنّ الكلمة الفصل في البلاد هي لك!
فهؤلاء التلامذة، وبالرغم من مناداتهم بإسقاط السلطة، هم يحترمون رئيسهم ويُقدّرون ظرفه الحالي ويخشَون المسّ بمقامه على العكس من المنتفعين حوله ومن بعض أفراد عائلته.
كلّفني التلامذة الثوار بإبلاغ سماحتك بأنّهم يجدون صعوبة في فهم ما تدرّسهم إياه، وأنّهم غير مرتاحين لأسلوبك التقليدي في التوجيه والتعليم، والذي لم تُدخل عليه أي تعديل منذ ما قبل ظهور الانترنت في العالم.
وبما أن رسالتي هذه قد لا تُعطيك الوقت الكافي لتغيير منهجك قبل موعد درس اليوم، أوصيك بمحاولة تجنّب الغوص في الأمور البديهيّة الآتي ذكرها، مما يُفيدك لتكون مسموعًا:
– لا تُطِل البسملة على غرار ما فعل المفتي عبداللطيف دريان، فنحن نعيش في دولة مدنيّة ومطوّلات من هذا النوع لا تُقدّم ولا تؤخّر.
– أدخل مباشرة، وقدر المستطاع، بالموضوع.
– لا تستعرض أحداث الأسبوع المنصرم كما فعلت في الدرسين السابقَين، فجميع التلامذة يعرفونها لأنّهم عاشوها خلال تظاهرهم في ساحات الوطن، أو تابعوها على شاشات التلفزة.
– اختصر الكلام عن الشهداء، ولا تستغل دماءهم الطاهرة والقضيّة التي استشهدوا في سبيلها لتبرير مواقفك الأخيرة المؤيّدة لمنظومة ومنظّمي الفساد.
– تريّث في اتخاذ المواقف الجازمة كَـلَمّا أوحَيْت للحكومة بعدم الاستقالة وجزمت أن العهد لن يسقط، فالحكومة استقالت والعهد انتهى حتّى لو استمر.
– لا تهدّد بالفوضى، فهي لن تحصل! وإن حصلت لا سمح الله، تكون أنت مَنِ افتعلها، وسوف يتهمك الناس بالعمالة وتنفيذ أجندات غير لبنانية.
– لا تكرّر الدعوات للثوار بانتداب من يمثّلهم لمفاوضة السلطة، فهذا أمر محسوم بالنسبة للثوّار والغرق فيه يُسيء إلى شخصك الكريم لأن نواياك غير المُعلنة بخصوصه ظاهرة، بالإضافة إلى أن هكذا مطلب يجب توجيهه للسلطة قبل الثوّار، لأن السلطة هي العاجزة عن تشكيل لجنة للمفاوضة وتحظى في نفس الوقت بثقة كل أهل النظام، وما أكثر عددهم!
– لا تخجل من أن تضع منبّهًا بالقرب منك يُعطي إشارة خفيفة كلّما مرّت خمس دقائق على حديثك، لتذكيرك باختصار الكلام بما قلّ ودلّ. وبالتالي أنصح بالّا يتجاوز درس اليوم العشرين دقيقة، وأستطيع مساعدتك على الاختصار بالإضاءة لك على بعض النقاط التي لا نفع من إثارتها مع جنس تلامذتك الثوّار، لأنّها باتت ثابتة في قاموسهم الثوري، ومنها:
1- قيامُ الثورة أراحك يا سيّد من مواجهة قاسية مع المؤسسات المالية والهيئات الاقتصادية في البلاد.
2- كسرت الثورة هيمنة فريقي 14 و 8 آذار وتسوياتهما الجانبية على حساب الوطن والمواطنين.
3- كسرت هيبة الأحزاب وحرمت مناصريها ركوب موجتها ككتل، بل كأفراد وتحت راية العلم اللبناني.
4- أخفت نهائيًا من الصورة خطوط الطوائف الحمر التي هي بالأساس وهميّة.
5- صمدت الثورة في الشارع خمسًا وعشرين يومًا لغاية الآن، وهو الأمر الذي لم يبلغه أي تحرّك سابق عبر كل تاريخ لبنان.
6- أراحت الثورة الشعب اللبناني من أصوات النشاز والتضليل التي طالما تولّى ضخّ سمومها سياسيو السلطة وأبواقهم من الإعلاميين عبر شاشات التلفزة.
7- كشفت تدنّي المستوى الفكري والكاريزمي لدى القيّمين على شؤون البلاد، فأحاديثهم تقلب الأنفاس بينما كلام آخر متظاهر في الشارع يجعلك تفتخر بلبنان وشبابه.
8- أظهرت الثورة القوّة الفعلية لرجال السياسة بمن فيهم أنت، إذ تبيّن أنّكم لا تجرؤون على المواجهة وأنّ كل عنتريّاتكم هي في السياسة ليس أكثر، فذاك الذي تطاول على الناس قائلًا: “ما حدا يسمّعني صوتو” تجرّأ الناس عليه وأسمعوه أصواتهم بالملايين وهو مختفٍ. والذي أراد قلب الطاولة، قُلبت الطاولة عليه وبان حجمه المتواضع. حتى أنت يا سيّد خفّ وهج اطلالاتك بالرغم من الأسلوب الهادئ الذي تستخدمه في الآونة الأخيرة.
في النهاية، وقبل أن أتركك لمتابعة تحضير درس اليوم، ألفت انتباهك إلى أمرين قد ينفع توضيحهما للثوّار خلال الدرس:
الأول: الثوّار لبّوا ما سعت إليه أجهزتك بالتكافل والتضامن مع أبواق التيار الوطني الحر على صعيد فتح الطرقات، لكن يحيّرهم أنّهم منذ تنفيذهم الفتح، لم يعد أحد يستخدم الطرقات.. لماذا؟
الثاني: لا بد لك أن توضح للتلامذة الثوّار الصفةَ التي تُتيح لك كل أسبوع أن تُطِل وتملي عليهم واجباتهم، خصوصًا أن باقي زعماء الأحزاب يكتفون بإعداد المكائد في الكواليس.. فهل صفتك اليوم هي الناطق باسم الأحزاب المتوارية؟
أحد التلامذة الثوّار يعتقد أنّ صفتك تكمن في أنّك لا تزال في الوقت الراهن حاجة وضرورة لقوى الشر الأعظم وعلى رأسها أميركا وإسرائيل.. هل هذا صحيح؟
ملاحظة وأُقفِل: طلب منّي بعض التلامذة بأن أوحي لك بعدم الإكثار من استخدام سبابتك، وإلّا قاطعوا صفّك وانتقلوا للتظاهر في الشارع.
في اليوم الخامس والعشرين لانبعاث الفينيق.

The post المخرج يوسف ي. الخوري/لو سمحت لي سيّد حسن appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

رسالة من رجل الأعمال الأعمال الإماراتي خلف أحمد الحبتور إلى خيرة الناس في لبنان/Khalaf Ahmad Al-Habtoor..My message to the Lebanese: Stay strong and you will triumph

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Khalaf Ahmad Al-Habtoor/My message to the Lebanese: Stay strong and you will triumph
Arab News/November 11, 2019

رسالة من رجل الأعمال الأعمال الإماراتي خلف أحمد الحبتور إلى خيرة الناس في لبنان
السياسة/11 تشرين الثاني/2019
لطالما كان لبنان بلداً عزيزاً على قلبي، واليوم أعتزّ بالوقوف إلى جانب اللبنانيين الذين يتظاهرون رافعين الصوت ضد إجرام الطبقة السياسية الحاكمة التي تسببت باستنزاف مقدّرات البلاد وقضت على آمال الأجيال وحرمتهم من الفرص.
لقد أثبت اللبنانيون أنهم لن يقفوا مكتوفي الأيدي حيال خداعهم بعد الآن.
لطالما كانت الحكومة اللبنانية في قبضة زعماء المافيات الطائفية الذين يُحكمون الخناق حول أعناق البلاد والعباد، ويتحصّنون خلف ميليشيات مسلّحة ويؤدّون صاغرين طقوس الولاء لأمين عام “حزب الله” حسن نصرالله، عميل إيران التي تقوم بتمويله في لبنان، ذلك كي يحافظوا على ثرواتهم الطائلة ونفوذهم الواسع، لكن لا بد لقطار الفساد الذي يركبونه من أن ينقلب بهم وتلتهمه النيران.
ينتفض الشباب اللبناني على الخداع الذي يمارسه مروِّجو الآمال الزائفة الذين يطلقون التصريحات المعسولة، والذين دفعوا بالبلاد في مسارٍ انحداري يقودها نحو الانهيار.
لقد سقطت الغمامة عن عيون الشعب اللبناني، ولم يعد خداعه ممكناً على أيدي السلالات السياسية، ولا أصحاب الحسابات المضخّمة في المصارف العالمية، الذين يعيشون حياةً رغيدة خلف جدران قصورهم الشاهقة.
أحيّي كل لبنانيٍّ نزل إلى الشارع بشجاعةٍ وإقدام في مسعى سلمي للإطاحة بحكومةٍ تمتلئ بأباطرة الفساد الذين يفتقرون إلى الكفاءة، ويسعون فقط خلف مصالحهم الشخصية.
الوجوه نفسها تتنافس للحصول على قطعة من الكعكة منذ انتهاء الحرب الأهلية في عام 1990، ويتوارثون المناصب أباً عن جد.
السياسة في نظر أربابها الفاسدين في لبنان هي وظيفة لمدى الحياة تُدرّ الأرباح لصاحبها، في حين أنها يجب أن تكون واجباً وطنياً لخدمة البلاد وشعبها.
لقد بلغت البطالة في صفوف الشباب نسبة مرتفعة جداً وصلت إلى 40 في المئة، ما يدفع بالخرّيجين الجدد إلى البحث عن فرص أفضل في الخارج.
النمو الاقتصادي معدوم، والديون الحكومية التي تتخطى 150 في المئة من الناتج المحلي الإجمالي، وكأن الشعب لا تكفيه معاناته، ليُضاف إليها الانقطاع المتكرر في التيار الكهربائي، والنقص الشديد في المياه والأدوية، وأكوام النفايات المتراكمة في الشوارع والطرقات والتي شوّهت جمال لبنان.
وكم كانت ملهِمة رؤية التجمعات الاحتفالية الجميلة والعفوية، حيث تقاطر اللبنانيون من مختلف الأعمار والانتماءات الدينية، ووقفوا معاً في صفوف موحّدة وتكلّموا بصوتٍ واحد رافعين العلم اللبناني دون سواه، ما يُبشّر بزوال الطائفية التي كانت سبباً لقدرٍ كبير من العداء والعنف.
وقد أُطلِق أزلام “حزب الله” بين الحشود للتسبب بالفوضى والتهجّم على المعتصمين، لكن طُلِب منهم الانسحاب من الساحات والطرقات بعدما جوبِهت محاولاتهم بمقاومة شديدة وباءت بالفشل.
أما أنصار التيار الوطني الحر الذي ينتمي إليه رئيس الجمهورية ميشال عون، والمتحالِف مع”حزب الله” وحركة “أمل”، فقد طالبوا ببقاء عون في منصبه.
في البداية، قال نصرالله إن الحكومة لن تستقيل محذّراً من اندلاع حرب أهلية، لكن منطق التهويل والتخويف لم يعد ينجح مع المتظاهرين، بل على العكس تماماً، ساهم في شد عزيمتهم.
لقد عانى لبنان من انقسامات مجتمعية شديدة بسبب المعادلة السياسية الطائفية التي خلّفها الاستعمار الفرنسي، وجرى تثبيتها في “اتفاق الطائف” الذي أنهى الحرب الأهلية اللبنانية، وبموجب هذه المعادلة، تتوزّع المناصب السياسية بين الطوائف المختلفة التي يتكوّن منها النسيج الديني المتنوّع في لبنان.
هذه المنظومة السيئة لا تُشجّع على الخلاف والانقسام فقط، بل غالباً ما تؤدّي إلى استبعاد أصحاب الكفاءات والحؤول دون وصول الشخص المناسب إلى المكان المناسب بسبب الانتماء الديني.
لبنان يحتاج إلى أكثر من مجرد حكومة جديدة، فهو بحاجة إلى إصلاح شامل للمنظومة السياسية بما يتيح اختيار المرشحين وفقاً لكفاءتهم لا طائفتهم، وهذا ما يطالب به الآن اللبنانيون الأخيار.
يطالب اللبنانيون بإلحاح بحكومة تمثّلهم وتكون من اختيارهم، وقد نجحوا، حتى الآن، في إسقاط حكومة رئيس الوزراء سعد الحريري الذي قدّم استقالته بعدما كان قد أطلق، في محاولة أخيرة، وعوداً بالإصلاح.
حسناً فعلتم أيها اللبنانيون! لقد نجحتم!
ولكن الخطر لا يزال يتربّص بلبنان وأهله. يرأس الحريري الآن حكومة تصريف أعمال، ويقول، وفقاً لصحيفة “دايلي ستار”، إنه مستعد لترؤس الحكومة من جديد بشرط أن تتألف من تكنوقراط مؤهّلين لإبعاد شبح الانهيار الاقتصادي.
إنه المسؤول الذي قال عند استقالته إنه وصل إلى”حائط مسدود”. في هذه الحالة، يجب أن يتحلى بالكرامة ليعلن انسحابه الدائم من الحياة السياسية. على الحريري وزملائه في الحكم أن يتنحوا جانباً ويتركوا المشهد نهائياً وبلا رجعة.
الرسالة التي أوجّهها إلى اللبنانيين هي الآتية:
رجاءً، لا تسمحوا للزعماء الحاليين بأن يشوّهوا مطالبكم ويحرفوها عن مسارها الصحيح من خلال التلويح بخطر “الانهيار الاقتصادي” و”هبوط سعر الليرة اللبنانية”، لو كان هؤلاء يتحلون بالكرامة، لاستمعوا إلى تطلعاتكم وتركوا مناصبهم إفساحاً في المجال أمام وصول وجوهٍ جديدة تتمتع بالكفاءة وتحمل أفكاراً خلاّقة بما يُمكّنها من إعادة بناء الثقة، وبالتالي استقطاب الاستثمارات التي تشكّل حاجة ماسّة للبلاد.
لا تسمحوا لمن يتمسّكون بكراسيهم ولا يتزحزحون عنها منذ عقود طويلة، بأن يماطلوا في تشكيل الحكومة أملاً بإنهاككم وإدخالكم من جديد في حالة سبات سياسي. استمروا في النضال الجميل من أجل حقوقكم ومستقبلكم طالما أن الزخم مستمر، ولا تنجرّوا وراء مَن احترفوا تخديركم لإيهامكم بأمانٍ زائف. إنها فرصتكم. تمسّكوا بها!
أخيراً وليس آخراً، لا تثقوا بالدول الأجنبية لأنها لا تكترث لمصالحكم. صورة الأبطال الذين يهبّون للإنقاذ على أحصنتهم البيضاء هي ليست أكثر من مجرد وهم. جميعهم يتصرفون خدمةً لمصالحهم الخاصة، فلا تستبدلوا أسياداً بآخرين.
السبيل الوحيد لإنقاذ لبنانكم الحبيب هو أن تتسلموا زمام الأمور بأنفسكم. حافظوا على قوتكم وعزيمتكم، وسوف يكون النصر حليفكم بإذن الله.
*رجل أعمال إماراتي

Khalaf Ahmad Al-Habtoor/My message to the Lebanese: Stay strong and you will triumph
Arab News/November 11, 2019
Lebanon has always been close to my heart, and today I am proud to stand with those Lebanese who are protesting against the criminal political class that has bled the country’s coffers dry and stifled opportunities for generations. They have shown that they will no longer be played for fools.
As long as I can remember, Lebanon’s government has been in the strangulating grip of sectarian mafia bosses protected by armed militias that are obliged to pretend allegiance to the Iranian-funded godfather Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s secretary general, in order to maintain their vast wealth and power. But their gravy train is poised to crash and burn.
Lebanon’s youth has woken up to the deceit of these slick-talking peddlers of fake hope, who together have led the nation down a road to ruin. The veil has dropped from their eyes. They can no longer be fooled by political dynasties or those with weighty overseas bank accounts living securely behind the walls of hilltop palaces.
I salute each one of you who has courageously taken to the streets in a peaceful bid to overthrow a government stuffed with inept, corrupt dinosaurs whose only interest is self-interest. These same tired faces have been vying for a piece of the pie since the end of the civil war in 1990 and, if left to them, their sons would inherit their mantle. Fat-cat politicians in Lebanon do not see their role as a patriotic duty to serve the nation and its people, but rather a lucrative job for life.
On their watch, youth unemployment has reached the untenable level of 40 percent, forcing graduates to seek greener pastures abroad. There is zero economic growth and the country’s debt burden, which exceeds 150 percent of gross domestic product, is unsustainable. Adding to people’s woes are regular electricity cuts, severe shortages in water and medicines, and mountains of rotting garbage disfiguring the landscape.
Watching good-natured, fiesta-like gatherings, where Lebanese of all ages and religious persuasions stand shoulder-to-shoulder, speaking with one voice under the cedar flag, is inspirational and portends the demise of sectarianism — the cause of so much enmity and violence.
Fat-cat politicians do not see their role as a patriotic duty to serve the nation and its people, but rather a lucrative job for life.
Hezbollah’s attack dogs were unleashed into the crowds as a disruptive force, but were called off once their efforts were met with strong resistance. Supporters of President Michel Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement, which is allied with Hezbollah and the Amal Movement, called for Aoun to remain in office. Nasrallah initially ordered the government to remain in place while warning of an impending civil war. Such scare tactics only served to harden the protesters’ resolve.
Societal divisions have been greatly exacerbated by a sectarian political system that was bequeathed by the French colonial mandate and reaffirmed by the Taif Agreement, which sealed the end of the civil war by ensuring political representation is shared among the various sects that make up Lebanon’s rich religious tapestry.
This ill-conceived system is not only a recipe for disunity; it often translates to the best man or woman for the job being excluded solely due to their faith. Lebanon needs more than a new government, it needs a complete overhaul of its political system. The new system should allow for candidates to be chosen according to their merit, not their religion — and that is what the good Lebanese people are now demanding.
The people insist on a government that represents them and is chosen by them. So far, they have succeeded in unseating the Cabinet led by Prime Minister Saad Hariri, who, after a last-ditch attempt at promising reforms, resigned. Bravo to the people. You did it.
That said, danger still lurks on the horizon. Hariri now leads a caretaker Cabinet and, according to the Daily Star, he is willing to once again head a government on condition that it includes technocrats qualified to stave off economic collapse. He is the leader who, upon his resignation, said he had reached “a dead end.” In that case, he should be sufficiently dignified to announce his permanent retirement. Hariri should walk into the sunset together with his colleagues — failures all.
My message to the Lebanese is this: Please do not allow the current leadership to derail your demands using the “collapse of the economy” or “the devaluation of the Lebanese pound” as warning flags. If the old guard had any decency, it would heed your wishes and move aside to make room for qualified fresh faces with innovative ideas, who would be able to restore confidence and thus attract much-needed investment.
Do not permit those glued to their chairs for decades to slow down the creation of a new government to a snail’s pace in the hope you will return to a state of political slumber. Keep up the good fight for your rights and your future while there is momentum. Do not be mesmerized by master hypnotists out to lull you into a false sense of security. This is your chance. Grab it.
Last but not least, avoid placing your trust in any foreign nation because they do not have your best interests at heart. The idea of heroes on white horses riding in to save the day is nothing more than an illusion. All are out for their own benefit, so do not be tempted to exchange one set of masters for another. The only way to save your beloved Lebanon is to take matters into your own hands. Stay strong and determined and, with the grace of God, you will be triumphant.
*Khalaf Ahmad Al-Habtoor is a prominent UAE businessman and public figure. He is renowned for his views on international political affairs, his philanthropic activity, and his efforts to promote peace. He has long acted as an unofficial ambassador for his country abroad. Twitter: @KhalafAlHabtoor

The post رسالة من رجل الأعمال الأعمال الإماراتي خلف أحمد الحبتور إلى خيرة الناس في لبنان/Khalaf Ahmad Al-Habtoor..My message to the Lebanese: Stay strong and you will triumph appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

:مقالات 5 من جريدة الشرق الأوسط تتناول الإنتفاضة اللبنانية/سام منسى التمسك بالحريري وراء الأكمة ما وراءه/دان آزي: أثرياء لبنان في حاجة إلى التقليم/سمير عطا الله: برغم كل شيء/غسان شربل: جدران إيران العراق والخيط الإيراني/مأمون فندي: تحدي إيران

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مقالات 5 من جريدة الشرق الأوسط تتناول الإنتفاضة اللبنانية

التمسك بالحريري: وراء الأكمة ما وراءها!
سام منسى/الشرق الأوسط/11 تشرين الثاني/2019

أثرياء لبنان في حاجة إلى التقليم
دان آزي/الشرق الأوسط/11 تشرين الثاني/2019

برغم كل شيء
سمير عطا الله/الشرق الأوسط/11 تشرين الثاني/2019

جدران العراق ولبنان والخيط الإيراني
غسان شربل/الشرق الأوسط/11 تشرين الثاني/2019

تحدي إيران
مأمون فندي/الشرق الأوسط/11 تشرين الثاني/2019

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التمسك بالحريري: وراء الأكمة ما وراءها!
سام منسى/الشرق الأوسط/11 تشرين الثاني/2019
يصعب فهم التعنّت الفاضح الذي تبديه السلطة السياسية في لبنان تجاه مطالب الناس التي ملأت بمئات الآلاف شوارعه منذ أكثر من ثلاثة أسابيع، إلا إذا وضعنا هذا العناد في سياق الانقلاب الذي نفذه «حزب الله» ومكّنه من السيطرة على رئاسة الجمهورية ومجلس النواب والحكومة، ليُحكم بذلك قبضته على الحياة السياسية في لبنان بشقيها الداخلي والخارجي.
ويصعب أيضاً فهم هذا التعنت إلا إذا قرأناه في سياق تطور إقليمي آخر وهي الحركة الاحتجاجية التي يشهدها العراق، والتي تكاد تكون مشابهة لما يجري في لبنان إلا أنها أوضح في مطالبها السياسية التي اختصرها المتظاهرون العراقيون برفع شعار واحد: «إيران برا برا، بغداد حرة حرة».
القاسم المشترك بين عناد السلطتين اللبنانية والعراقية وإصرارهما على تجاهل الاحتجاجات، هو أنه صناعة إقليمية أكثر منها محلية، ومصدره الأساس إيران. فطهران لن تتنازل بسهولة عن مكتسبات حصدتها بعد زراعة دؤوبة استمرت لعقود وعقود خصوصاً في لبنان، وتمكنت عبرها من التسلل إلى البيئات المحلية في البلدين وخلق سلطة موازية لسلطة الدولة وتتفوق عليها في قدراتها العسكرية. بذل النظام الإيراني جهوداً مضنية في زرع وكلاء له في المنطقة وتمكينهم آيديولوجياً وسياسياً وعسكرياً حتى أعلن سقوط أربع عواصم عربية بيده، ومن السذاجة أن نعتقد أنه سيتنازل اليوم بسهولة عن الفضاء الاستراتيجي الذي أقامه والممتد من طهران إلى جنوب لبنان براً، ومن مضيق هرمز إلى باب المندب بحراً، لمجرد أن ثمة حراكاً شعبياً في الشارع. ومن السذاجة أيضاً أن نعتقد أن إيران ستعلن الحداد بسهولة على مشروعها التوسعي وستتخلى عن ورقة أذرعها الإقليمية المسلحة التي لطالما وضعتها على طاولة المفاوضات مع المجتمع الدولي، خصوصاً في ظل الضغوط التي تتعرض لها. ومن السذاجة أيضاً وأيضاً الاعتقاد أن إيران ستتخلى عن الاقتصاد البديل الذي أتاحه لها كل من العراق ولبنان وسمح لها بالالتفاف على العقوبات الأميركية. لا تحتمل إيران سقوط ورقتين في آن واحد!
الصورة تبدو أوضح في تقرير صدر عن المعهد الدولي للدراسات الاستراتيجية نشرته صحيفة «الغارديان» منذ أسبوع، يقول إن استثمار إيران في أذرعها بالمنطقة أهمّ بالنسبة إليها من الصواريخ الباليستية والقنبلة النووية. فإيران نجحت عبر هذه الأذرع في زعزعة السياسات الداخلية للدول وباتت تتحكم بها دون الدخول في حروب بين الدول أو أن يطالها قانون دولي. فهي جعلت الحروب داخل الدولة وبين أبناء الوطن الواحد.
وكما ظهر الخوف الإيراني من خسارة العراق عبر زيارة قائد «فيلق القدس» قاسم سليماني، لبغداد ومنعه رئيس الحكومة العراقية من الاستقالة، ظهر الخوف الإيراني من خسارة لبنان عبر إصرار «حزب الله» على المضي في تشكيل حكومة سياسية يرأسها الرئيس المستقيل سعد الحريري، متخطياً تاريخ 17 أكتوبر (تشرين الأول) كما لو أنه لم يكن، ورافضاً تقديم رأسه على طبق حكومة تكنوقراط.
لماذا التمسك بالحريري رغم أنه بإمكان «حزب الله» وحلفائه تشكيل حكومة أغلبية يسيطر عليها بالكامل؟ في الواقع إن التمسك بالحريري ليس هياماً به وليس لأنه الأقوى في طائفته بل لأسباب أخرى أولها أن وجوده على رأس السلطة الإجرائية يؤمّن تغطية سُنية لسيطرة «حزب الله» على البلاد تماماً كالتغطية المسيحية التي وفّرها له الرئيس عون، وثانيها علاقاته مع الغرب وارتباط المساعدات الدولية للبنان باسمه، وثالثها أن المجتمع الدولي سينظر إلى حكومة فريق واحد يسيطر عليها «حزب الله» على أنها حكومة إيران وستكون عُرضة وبشكل مباشر لسهام العقوبات الغربية. فـ«حزب الله» يرى أن رئيس حكومة محسوباً عليه وعلى فريقه السياسي لن يخدمه كما يفعل الحريري، من حيث يدري أو لا يدري، ولذلك نراه اليوم يعمل على شد أواصر التسوية السياسية الأخيرة وإعادة تركيب سلطة على غرار السلطة السياسية السابقة. ويبدو أن الحريري تحت الضغط ولن يُسمح له بالانسحاب، وهذا ما أكده حسن نصر الله عندما قال بعد استقالة الحكومة متوجهاً إلى السياسيين بعامة وغامزاً من جانب الحريري بخاصة: «ممنوع تهربوا من مسؤولياتكم وتطلعوا وبدّوا يحاكمكم الشعب».
«حزب الله» يحاول طبعاً الوصول إلى مخرج لكن دون التراجع قيد أنملة عن سياساته، ويعتقد البعض أنه قد يقبل بحكومة تشرك بعض رموز الحراك إلى جانب أطراف سياسية تضمه والتيار الوطني الحر وحركة «أمل» والرئيس الحريري، ولكن في عملية تجميلية يتم عبرها استبدال بالأصلاء وكلاء يحرّكهم بواسطة جهاز تحكم عن بعد دون أن يكون مسؤولاً بشكل مباشر عن أدائهم. وهذا أخطر ما يحاك اليوم للبنان، أن تحتوي السلطة السياسية الحراك من خلال حكومة فيها أسماء جديدة لكنها أسماء تدار عن بعد من قِبَلها، وهذا ما تشي به اجتماعات الرئيس الحريري مع جبران باسيل ورئيس الجمهورية وممثل «حزب الله»، في خطوة تخالف الدستور والأعراف وتهمش مجلس النواب وتؤكد مرة جديدة أن الديمقراطية في لبنان متخيَّلة وغير موجودة. وهذا أقصى ما يمكن لـ«حزب الله» أن يقدمه راهناً.
البعض الآخر يرى أن الحزب لن يقبل حتى بهذا السيناريو وسيصر على حكومة سياسية يتمثل فيها كما سبق، ما يعني انسداد كل المخارج ما عدا مخرجاً واحداً هو استنساخ الحالة العراقية ولجوء «حزب الله» إلى القوة بعد العزف على وتر الطائفية وتدخل السفارات والعناصر المندسة والخوف من حرب أهلية ثانية. لن تقبل طهران بالخسارة دون قتال ولو سال الكثير من الدماء كما يحصل في العراق.
ماذا عن تأثير كل ذلك على الوضع الاقتصادي والمالي الذي بدأ فعلياً السقوط في الهاوية؟ في الواقع قد يكون «حزب الله» يخشى الانهيار الاقتصادي والمالي، لكن علينا أن نأخذ بعين الاعتبار أيضاً أنه لطالما كان ضد التركيبة الاقتصادية والمنظومة المالية السابقتين، وقد يشكل انهيارهما بالنسبة إليه فرصة لإعادة تشكيلهما من جديد بما يتلاءم مع فكره ومصالحه، وكمقدمة لإعادة تشكيل النظام السياسي برمّته. وفي هذا السياق، علينا أن نخفف من مثاليتنا إزاء المجتمع الدولي، فلديه من فائض الخبث ما يكفي لغضّ الطرْف عن تسويات مقبلة قد تحصل، وبالتالي المضيّ في مساعدة لبنان اقتصادياً ومالياً على الرغم من إدراكه أنْ لا إصلاحات قريبة تلوح في الأفق ولا إلغاء لهيمنة «حزب الله» ودوره. مهما يخبئه الغد للبنان، يبقى أن هذه الثورة أثبتت أن إيران قد تكون نجحت في السيطرة على الأنظمة السياسية في كلٍّ من لبنان والعراق، لكنها خسرت حكماً شعبيهما، وجاءتها السهام من داخل البيئة الشيعية التي عملت لعقود على تطويعها وإخراجها من بيئتها الوطنية. قد يخفت الحراك، لكنه لن يخمد أبداً!

أثرياء لبنان في حاجة إلى التقليم
دان آزي/الشرق الأوسط/11 تشرين الثاني/2019
تكمن في قلب المظالم الاقتصادية، التي تغذي الاحتجاجات الجماهيرية اللبنانية الحالية، قضية من قضايا الاحتيال المنظم. ولن تتلاشى المشكلة الراهنة بمجرد حل الحكومة أو تغييرها – حتى في ظل وجود مجلس وزراء من الخبراء – أو عن طريق ضخ مزيد من رؤوس الأموال من البلدان العربية. وسوف يتطلب الأمر فرض التدابير والإجراءات الصارمة، بما في ذلك التقليم الإلزامي لكثير من أثرياء مواطني البلاد.
على مدى العقود الماضية، اعتمد لبنان على التحويلات المالية الخارجية، للمحافظة على الاقتصاد واستقرار الليرة. واستقر سعر صرف الليرة عند 1507.5 ليرة مقابل الدولار الأميركي، منذ عام 1997 حتى اليوم، وأسفر ذلك الربط الطويل الأجل إلى ارتفاع قيمة العملة المحلية عند المقارنة بإنتاجية البلاد. وقد منح هذه الأمر للمواطنين اللبنانيين دخلاً أعلى ومستويات معيشية مرتفعة من أي دولة عربية مجاورة، ما سمح لهم بالإنفاق ببذخ على السفر، والرحلات، والسيارات، والملابس، والأجهزة، والأدوات.
لكن خلال الأزمة الائتمانية عام 2008، وقع ارتداد عكسي لرؤوس الأموال اللبنانية. وتوقف الأثرياء اللبنانيون في الخارج عن الثقة في البنوك الأجنبية، وفضلوا نقل أموالهم إلى الوطن، ما ساعد على خلق فائض معتبر في ميزان المدفوعات، بمقدار 20 مليار دولار بين عامي 2006 و2010. وسرعان ما تبدد هذا الفائض بسبب التطوير العقاري بلا ضابط، وبسبب الإنفاق (الإهدار) الحكومي، ما أسفر عن تكون فقاعة يمكن تلمس آثارها الباقية حتى يومنا هذا في الأبراج السكنية اللامعة غير المسكونة التي تتناثر عبر أفق العاصمة بيروت.
وبدءاً من عام 2011، تحول الفائض إلى عجز سنوي مستمر. وحتى عام 2016 لم يدرك المصرف المركزي اللبناني علامات الخطر الواضحة. ودخل المصرف المركزي في سلسلة مما أطلق عليه وقتها معاملات «الهندسة المالية»، التي كانت تعادل مبادلة الليرة بالدولارات الجديدة (القادمة من الخارج) بمعدلات فائدة غاية في الارتفاع بلغت 14 إلى 30 في المائة.
وتم اعتبار أغلب الليرات اللبنانية، التي أصدرها المصرف المركزي اللبناني، كإيرادات، ما منح البنوك أرباحاً قياسية غير مسبوقة، على الرغم من الاقتصاد الراكد في البلاد. وحقق أكبر مصرفين في البلاد وحدهما أكثر من مليار دولار من الأرباح المصطنعة في عام 2016. ودُفعت المكافآت السخية لكبار المديرين نقداً على وجه الحقيقة.
وتم الحصول على الفوائد المستحقة للمودعين السابقين من أموال المستثمرين الجدد. ولم يتنبه المحللون المحليون أو الأجانب لهذا الأمر الخطير، على الرغم من أن الآلية كانت تشبه بصورة مثيرة للشكوك ما صنعه المهاجر الإيطالي سيئ السمعة في بوسطن الأميركية قبل قرن كامل من الزمان. ولقد استفاد العاملون اللبنانيون كافة من هذا البديل الخاص ذي الصلة بمخطط الاحتيال غير الواضح، حيث كان الربط بالدولار يعني أن رواتبهم تساوي ما هو أكثر من نظام العملة العائمة.
ونظراً لتأثير المزاحمة الناجم عن ذلك، كان الخاسرون الرئيسيون هم الشباب، الذين ارتفعت معدلات البطالة لديهم إلى 40 في المائة. وفي النموذج اللبناني، أول ما يفكر فيه الشباب اللبناني العاطل عن العمل هو الهجرة خارج البلاد، ومحاولة العثور على العمل في أماكن أخرى، ثم البدء في تحويل الأموال إلى الداخل، ومواصلة تمويل دورة مخطط الاحتيال القديم. غير أن هذا الأمر صار أكثر صعوبة الآن مع تضاؤل فرص العمل في الخارج.
ووقع أغلب المحللين فريسة التشتت، بسبب اعتماد المقاييس التقليدية، مثل الديون الحكومية التي بلغت قيمتها نحو 90 مليار دولار، وكانوا يتغافلون عن حقيقة أن المصرف المركزي اللبناني قد اقترض 110 مليارات دولار من المصارف اللبنانية، وذلك من أصل 170 مليار دولار هي إجمالي قيمة الودائع. وصار نصف الودائع الدولارية في المصارف اللبنانية اليوم تحت تصرف المصرف المركزي اللبناني، والبقية الباقية بالعملة المحلية، الليرة. وليس هناك من سبيل أمام المصرف المركزي اللبناني لإعادة هذه الأموال مرة أخرى.
وفي الأثناء ذاتها، خلقت أسعار الفائدة الفلكية مجموعة من أصحاب الملايين وعشرات الملايين. لكن قيمة حساباتهم المصرفية ليست سوى مجرد مدخلات على شاشات الحواسيب، تنتجها معدلات الفوائد المركبة، في غياب الاستثمارات الإنتاجية التي تحقق العوائد الحقيقية على الجانب الآخر. وهذا هو السبب في تقلص السيولة النقدية الحقيقية مع زيادة الودائع المصرفية بصورة مصطنعة.
تبلغ قيمة الاحتياطات الدولارية في المصرف المركزي اللبناني، بالإضافة إلى الودائع المصرفية مع الحسابات الآمنة، نحو 40 مليار دولار. وبعبارة أخرى، هناك دولار واحد فقط من السيولة النقدية مقابل كل 3 دولارات من المطالبات. وليس من شأن ذلك أن يكون مشكلة في المعتاد في الأعمال المصرفية المجزأة، باستثناء أن جميع هذه الالتزامات هي بالعملات الأجنبية، التي لا يستطيع المصرف المركزي اللبناني طباعتها أو توليدها محلياً.
والأنباء السارة في قلب هذا الخضم العسير أن كل هذه الديون داخلية، ما يجعل الحل سهلاً وبسيطاً للغاية؛ إعادة الهيكلة الوطنية التي تسمح بتوزيع الخسائر على نحو منصف. وتمثل نسبة أقل من 1 في المائة من المودعين، أو نحو 24 ألف حساب مصرفي، ما يقرب من 90 مليار دولار من الأموال المودعة، مع متوسط الحسابات، الذي يبلغ نحو 3.5 مليون دولار. (ومع افتراض أن كل مليونير لبناني يملك 3 أو 4 حسابات مصرفية، وهي من الممارسات الشائعة في لبنان، فإننا نتحدث عن أكثر من 6 آلاف إلى 8 آلاف من أصحاب الحسابات المصرفية).
لكن ملاك حسابات هذه الأموال الوهمية ينفقون بعضاً منها في العالم الحقيقي، على شراء السيارات الفارهة، على سبيل المثال، الأمر الذي يسبب التآكل الواضح في احتياطيات المصرف المركزي اللبناني. وعلى نحو مماثل، فإن كل لبناني يحقق ربحاً بالليرة المحلية يستهلك بدوره من احتياطي المصرف المركزي اللبناني في كل مرة يذهب فيها لقضاء العطلة الفاخرة في اليونان، أو يستورد منتجاً من المنتجات الغالية من خارج البلاد.
كيف يمكن حلّ المشكلة؟ يمكن للمصرف المركزي اللبناني البدء في فرض الضوابط على رؤوس الأموال، وعلى التحويلات في الخارج، مع الحد الصارم من عمليات السحب النقدي في الداخل. وتقوم بعض المصارف اللبنانية بتنفيذ ذلك على نحو فعلي الآن، لكن الأمر سوف يدخل حيز الفعالية الجدية إذا ما صار إلزامياً على الجميع بقرار صادر من المصرف المركزي اللبناني.
ومن شأن الضوابط على رؤوس الأموال أن توقف النزيف. غير أن تضميد الجروح يستلزم مزيداً من الإجراءات الصارمة، مثل تقليم الحسابات المصرفية كافة التي تزيد على مليون دولار. «ويتوقف مستوى التقليم على مدى استعداد المصرف المركزي اللبناني للبدء في التقليم؛ وكلما كان الحساب المصرفي كبيراً، كان التقليم أكثر عمقاً». وربما يتطلب الأمر صدور مرسوم وزاري بذلك، أو موافقة برلمانية. ويمكن للمشرعين في لبنان إطلاق اسم «الضريبة المؤجلة» على الأمر، إن كان ذلك سوف يجعلها أكثر استساغاً من الناحية السياسية.
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برغم كل شيء
سمير عطا الله/الشرق الأوسط/11 تشرين الثاني/2019
العام المقبل هو عام مرور مائة عام على إعلان دولة «لبنان الكبير» بعدما ظل «جبل لبنان» لزمن طويل. العام 1943 أعلن استقلال لبنان عن الانتداب الفرنسي، وكان الشيخ بشارة الخوري أول رئيس استقلالي. قبل شهرين توفيت ابنته، هوغيت، وذهبت لأداء واجب التعزية. أمسك بي شقيقها، الشيخ ميشال، وأجلسني إلى جانبه، وأدركت بالطبع أنه يريد التحدث عن حزن وطني يفوق حزنه الشخصي. قال دون مقدمات «العام المقبل نحتفل بولادة لبنان، لكنني أخشى أن نحتفل بدفنه. لقد بلغت الأربعة والتسعين من العمر وما شاهدت في حياتي حقبة أسوأ مما نحن فيه».
نويت ضمناً ألا أنقل هذا الكلام المفزع عن رجل في قامة ومكانة هذا الشاهد التاريخي لكي لا أزيد في يأس الناس. لكن مع 17 أكتوبر (تشرين الأول) شاهدنا لبنان يولد من جديد. لبنان لا يشبه الذين شوَّهوه، وأسقطوه، وأفلسوه، وأحرقوا جماله. منذ 17 أكتوبر يولد كل يوم لبنان جديد، مدهش، حقيقي، صادق وغير مزيف. مئات الآلاف من البشر نزلت إلى الشوارع ترفض صدأ الطبقة السياسية: أمهات، آباء، أطفال، صبايا، والآن الطلاب. قبل أشهر قليلة خاطب الوزير جبران باسيل خصومه بغطرسته المعهودة، مهدداً بالنزول إلى الشارع، باعتباره يملك شعبية أكثر من سواه. فإذا خصومه يفتحون عليه كل شوارع وساحات لبنان. أنا واحد من الذين لا يصدقون هذه المشاهد. وعندما أبدى الشيخ ميشال الخوري تشاؤمه، كان يخامرني تشاؤم أقسى ويأس أعمق. فاتنا جميعاً أن اللبناني التاجر والسمسار الذي يبيع كل شيء، هو أيضاً المثقف وصاحب العنفوان ومدمن الطموح والحريات.
لم تجرؤ حكومته على إطلاق الرصاص عليه. ولم تحاول منع المنابر والبرامج التلفزيونية الصائحة. وبرغم كل شيء، أظهر الوجه الجميل برغم الوجه الذي لازم السلطة. ظل لبنان الكبير حياً، لطيفاً، بارعاً، دعابياً، مؤنساً، ضاحكاً وبطلاً عظيم الصدور، حديدي المناكب.
تسامحني الساحات العربية الأخرى حيث سقط القتلى وآلاف الجرحى ولم يعثر الثوار على برنامج تلفزيوني واحد يستضيفهم. هنا، في لبنان الكبير، التلفزيون الحكومي يستضيف المعارضين. ويمنحهم الوقت والحرية. ليس بفضل السلطة السياسية طبعاً، بل بقوة الدولة التي تُعلن ولادتها برغم كل شيء.

جدران العراق ولبنان والخيط الإيراني
غسان شربل/الشرق الأوسط/11 تشرين الثاني/2019
قبل ثلاثين عاماً، أوفدتني «الشرق الأوسط» لتغطية أخبار جدار برلين المتداعي. ولم يكن مستغرباً أن تنتابني، كصحافي عربي شاب، أسئلة عن العالم الذي أنتمي إليه. تزايدت حدة الأسئلة لاحقاً حين فر الاتحاد السوفياتي إلى متحف التاريخ، وتساقط أيتام الكرملين تباعاً.
في المقهى، قرب الجدار، رحت أفكر. متى ستسقط الجدران العربية؟ ليس فقط الجدران التي تمنع هذه الدولة العربية من التواصل مع جارتها، بل أيضاً جدران الداخل التي كانت تحتجز العقل والقلب والرئتين. كان اسم حاكم العراق صدام حسين. وحاكم ليبيا معمر القذافي. وحاكم سوريا حافظ الأسد. وكان قصر بعبدا اللبناني في عهدة جنرال صاخب اسمه ميشال عون، وبصفته رئيساً لحكومة شكّلها من العسكريين. اليوم، غاب الزعماء الثلاثة، ويقيم قصر بعبدا في عهدة عون رئيساً منتخباً تشهد بداية النصف الثاني من عهده سقوط جدران كثيرة بفعل الحراك الشبابي والطلابي. أما العراق الذي اعتقدنا أن صدام حسين كان الجدار الوحيد الذي يمنعه من التقاط أنفاسه واللحاق بالعصر، فيشهد هو الآخر تصدع جدران صيغة المحاصصة والتقاسم التي أنهكت البلاد.
كان سقوط الجدار نهاية حقبة وبداية أخرى. ساد الاعتقاد أن العالم سيعيش طويلاً في عهدة القطب الواحد المنتصر. ثم تبين أن أعباء قيادة العالم أكبر من أن تضطلع بها دولة واحدة، حتى ولو امتلكت الاقتصاد الأول والجيش الأقوى. ولم يتأخر الوقت كثيراً، فقد شهدنا روسيا تطل من الركام السوفياتي، وبزعامة الكولونيل الذي كان يقيم قرب الجدار وحمل الجرح في قلبه، واسمه فلاديمير بوتين. ثم شهدنا الصعود الصيني المذهل، حين تمكن ورثة ماو من إخراج مئات ملايين الصينيين من الفقر بأفكار لم ترد أبداً في «الكتاب الأحمر» الذي دبجه «الربان العظيم». أسقط الورثة جدار ماو بلا ضجيج، لكنهم حفظوا من عهده هالة ضريحه وآلة رقابة واستقرار، اسمها الحزب الشيوعي، بعدما غسلوه في نهر العولمة.
ثمة ما هو أهم وأخطر مما تقدم. أدى تراكم الأبحاث إلى سلسلة متلاحقة من الثورات العلمية والتكنولوجية غيرت أيضاً علاقة الفرد بالعالم، وسمحت بتدفق حر للأخبار والتعليقات والصور. لم يعد باستطاعة أحد اعتقال المعلومات عند نقطة الحدود، ومطالبتها بالحصول على تأشيرة دخول، والخضوع لامتحان جهاز الأمن قبل التسرب إلى عقول المواطنين؛ إنها ثورة وسائل التواصل الاجتماعي. وإذا كان التاريخ سجل أن رشاش الكلاشينكوف لعب دوراً كبيراً في تحقيق الثورات والانتفاضات في العالم، فإن التاريخ سيسجل لاحقاً أن الهاتف الذكي أعنف من الكلاشينكوف وأكثر فاعلية وخطراً.
أسقطت ثورة الاتصالات كثيراً من الجدران. الجدران التي شيدها الأهل بفعل المحافظة والخوف. والجدران التي أقامها الأمن لحراسة النظام. والجدران التي أقامتها الحكومات لمنع الدماء الجديدة الحارة من التدفق في عروق المجتمع. هزت ثورة الاتصالات كل شيء. وطرحت علامات استفهام حول كل شيء. أسقطت المحظورات واستدرجت إلى النقاش ما كان يستحيل اقتياده إلى المشرحة.
هل ترانا نبالغ إذا قلنا إن تدفق الشبان العراقيين إلى الساحات ينذر بسقوط جدار الفساد والدولة المتصدعة والزمن الطائفي الذي كاد يقتل العراقيين، ومعهم العراق؟ وهل ترانا نبالغ إذا قلنا إن تدفق الشبان اللبنانيين إلى الساحات والشوارع ينذر بسقوط جدار الفساد والدولة المتصدعة وخيمة الطوائف التي كادت تقتل اللبنانيين، ومعهم روح لبنان؟ وهل نبالغ إذا قلنا إن عراقياً جديداً يولد ولن يقبل بأقل من دولة عصرية المؤسسات تقوم على الشفافية والنزاهة والكفاءة والانخراط في العصر؟ وهل نبالغ إذا قلنا إن لبنانياً جديداً يولد ويرفض أن يستدعى إلى الأعراس الطائفية بولائمها ومجازرها، وإنه لن يقبل بأقل من دولة القانون والانفتاح والقضاء المستقل؟أبحرنا طويلاً في اليأس. قتلنا الانتظار المديد. ثم خيبتنا انهيارات «الربيع العربي»، وتقدم قوى الماضي للاستيلاء على أحلام الناس. وأخافتنا قدرة الأنظمة على الترويع وتغيير مسارات الحراكات وإغراقها في الدم والإرهاب. لكننا نكاد نشهد اليوم ولادة عربي جديد. لا يريد الانتصار على الطائفة الأخرى ولا المذهب الآخر. يريد تعليماً يفتح أمامه فرص العمل والتقدم والإبداع. يريد شرطياً يعمل تحت سقف القانون. ومحكمة لا يزجرها مدير المخابرات. يريد دولة طبيعية وعصرية لا تعيش دائماً على شفير حرب أهلية، ولا تنجب اليائسين والانتحاريين والأحزمة الناسفة. العربي هنا وهناك يريد دولة الشرفات لا دولة الجدران.
ما يجري في العراق ولبنان يستحق التوقف عنده من قبل الجميع. لا يمكن اعتقال نهر التاريخ مهما بلغت القدرة على تشييد السدود والجدران. على السلطات العراقية أن تقرأ وتسمع وتستنتج. الأمر نفسه بالنسبة إلى السلطات اللبنانية. ولأن الخيط الإيراني حاضر بقوة في العاصمتين، وتستندان إليه في مقاومة رياح التغيير، فإن على إيران نفسها أن تقرأ وتستمع وتستنتج. يصعب الاعتقاد أن الشاب الإيراني لا تراوده الأحلام نفسها التي تراود الشاب العراقي والشاب اللبناني، رغم خصوصية أوضاع كل دولة. إدمان النفخ في جمر الثورة لا يؤجل إلى الأبد الاستحقاقات الاقتصادية والسياسية والاجتماعية. جدار الاشتباك الدائم مع الغرب لن يخفي أرقام الاقتصاد ووضع العملة وارتفاع معدل الفقر. وعلى المسؤولين الإيرانيين أن يتذكروا أن الثورة الصينية أنقذت على يد من صالحوها مع حقائق التقدم الاقتصادي وتحسين حياة الناس، وأن الاتحاد السوفياتي انهار بسبب الفشل الاقتصادي ورفض القراءة في مشاعر الناس. اتهام المحتجين في العراق ولبنان بتلقي الأموال والأوامر من السفارات لغة لا تحل مشكلة المتهِم ولا المتهَم. شبان أبرياء بهواتف ذكية ومخيلات غنية وإرادات صافية يسقطون الجدران. من لا يستمع إليهم يقف في المعسكر الذي سيسمى عاجلاً أو آجلاً معسكر الخاسرين. لا يحق لإيران أن تكون الجدار الذي يمنع التغيير في العراق ولبنان.

تحدي إيران
مأمون فندي/الشرق الأوسط/11 تشرين الثاني/2019
ما زالت إيران تمثل تحدياً كبيراً للغرب، وللقوى الإقليمية، يحتاج إلى مزيد من التفكير، فهناك ثلاث قضايا جوهرية في التحدي الإيراني؛ الأولى هي الملف النووي بأبعاده الدولية، والثانية هي سياسة عدوانية إقليمية توسعية، والثالثة هي ملف الإرهاب والقرصنة البحرية.
حضرت عشاءً جاداً في لندن، لمحاولة فهم التعامل مع التحدي الإيراني، سادتها وجهتا نظر؛ الأولى متفائلة ترى أن ما يحدث من حراك في لبنان والعراق قادر على تقليم أظافر إيران، وذلك لأن السياسة محلية في الأساس، ولو تحركت القوى المحلية، فإن ذلك سيؤدي بالضرورة إلى تغيير البيئة التي ساعدت في السابق إيران على تثبيت أرجلها في العراق ولبنان واليمن، وعوّل الحاضرون على ما يحدث في العراق أولويةً. النظرة الثانية متشائمة، حيث ترى أن إيران في طريقها لتحقيق حلمها النووي، وأن هذا الخطر يزداد، نتيجة أن إيران لها جبهتان مع دول إقليمية أساسية، فلها الآن حدود مع المملكة العربية السعودية من خلال العراق واليمن، كما أن لها حدوداً مع إسرائيل من خلال سوريا وجنوب لبنان. وإذا ما ارتكبت إيران حماقة على أي من الجبهات الأربع، فهذا بالضرورة سيؤدي إلى حرب إقليمية، لا يبدو أن الغرب مستعد لها، في ظل تراجع أميركي، أو سمه انسحاباً من الشرق الأوسط، وفي ظل موقف أوروبي لا يتوافق مع أميركا في طريقة التعاطي مع طهران.انشغل المحللون أيضاً بسؤال مفاده: هل التمدد الإيراني نتيجة سياسة عدوانية تحركها محركات إيرانية داخلية، مثل فكرة تصدير الثورة كعملية شرعنة لنظام عمره الآن أربعون عاماً، وبمقياس الأنظمة المغلقة فهو نظام قد شاخ، أم أن التمدد الإيراني في العالم العربي هو نتيجة الفراغ الموجود في العالم العربي، فراغ شد إيران، كما شد تركيا وإسرائيل والدول الغربية، لملء هذا الفراغ من قبل؟ وهل الانسحاب الأميركي يؤدي إلى مزيد من الفراغ يجذب إيران، ويفتح شهيتها لقضم مزيد من الأراضي العربية؟ لا شك أن هناك فراغاً استراتيجياً في العالم العربي، نتيجة لتصدعات في الجسم السياسي العربي، ونتيجة الثورات، كما الحال في اليمن، أو وجود عصابات مثل «داعش». لما سقطت ديكتاتورية علي عبد الله صالح ملأت جماعة الحوثي الفراغ، واستغلت إيران هذا الفراغ وأنشأت جماعة يمنية صورة من «حزب الله» في لبنان.
سياسة إيران منذ الثورة، وربما من قبل، هو عدم الدخول في مواجهات مباشرة مع دول الإقليم، ولكنها تستخدم «بروكسي» (أذناب) ليس للهجوم، بل لشغل من حولها بعدم الاعتداء عليها.
إيران في الأساس، وكدولة مارقة، تبحث عن «status» وجاهة واحترام، والمواجهة مع إسرائيل مثلاً لن تمنحها هذا الموقع «status» إذن المواجهة مع إسرائيل غير محتملة، رغم أن مولدات الطاقة الإسرائيلية، وكذلك المطارات، أصبحت في مرمى الأسلحة الإيرانية أكثر مما كانت عليه من قبل.
وملخص حوار الجلسة كان واضحاً فيه أن الموقف الغربي الأوروبي لا يفضل المواجهة مع إيران، ولا حتى العقوبات، بل يفضل الحوار البناء بهدف تغيير سلوك إيران. وكنت ممن يميلون إلى الرأي أن دعم الثورات في العراق ولبنان يعد خطوة مهمة لتقليص دور إيران الإقليمي. ولكن يبدو أن العرب الذين «اتلسعوا من الشوربة» في حالة «الربيع العربي»، «ينفخون في الزبادي» يطرح سؤال التحدي الإيراني بشكل مباشر. تردد العرب تجاه ما يحدث في لبنان والعراق أمر غير محمود.
ولكن مشكلة انتصار الثورات في العراق ولبنان قد تؤدي إلى أن الثورات قد تسح على دول مستقرة نسبياً، وتزيد من حالة عدم الاستقرار في المنطقة. ومع ذلك، فأنا أرى أن ما يحدث اليوم داخل إيران ذاتها، وما يحدث في لبنان والعراق، فرصة نادرة يجب استغلالها، إذا كانت هناك رغبة في مواجهة تحدي إيران.

The post :مقالات 5 من جريدة الشرق الأوسط تتناول الإنتفاضة اللبنانية/سام منسى التمسك بالحريري وراء الأكمة ما وراءه/دان آزي: أثرياء لبنان في حاجة إلى التقليم/سمير عطا الله: برغم كل شيء/غسان شربل: جدران إيران العراق والخيط الإيراني/مأمون فندي: تحدي إيران appeared first on Elias Bejjani News.

A Bundle Of English Reports, News and Editorials For November 11-12/2019 Addressing the On Going Mass Demonstrations & Sit In-ins In Iranian Occupied Lebanon in its 26th Day

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A Bundle Of English Reports, News and Editorials For November 11-12/2019 Addressing the On Going Mass Demonstrations & Sit In-ins In Iranian Occupied Lebanon in its 26th Day
Compiled By: Elias Bejjani
November 11-12/2019

Titles For The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News published on November 11-12/2019
Hezbollah ‘willing to co-operate’ with Lebanon’s judiciary over corruption
Nasrallah ups the ante amid financial and political turmoil
Lebanon’s Nasrallah says non-sectarian politics not everybody’s demand
Nasrallah on New Govt.: Meetings Ongoing, All Doors Open to Reach Best Possible Result
Aoun Expected to Call for PM Consultations in Tuesday Interview
Berri Postpones Legislative Session, Slams ‘Campaign to Maintain Political Vacuum’
Banks Go on Strike Until ‘Normalcy’ Returns in Lebanon
Lebanon’s Central Bank governor says country is in a ‘dollarized economy’
Lebanon: Central Bank Tries to Calm Nerves as Bank Employee Union Calls for Strike
Mustaqbal Says ‘Govt. of Experts’ Must Lead ‘Transitional Phase’
Geagea Says Technocrat Ministers Must be Totally Independent
Shehayyeb Orders Closure of Educational Institutions on Tuesday
Rahi: State’s Destiny Not subject to Individual Interests
Protests Keep Up Pressure Against Political Class
‘Sister Protests’: Lebanon, Iraq Look to Each Other
British Embassy Commemorates Remembrance Day

The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News published on November 11-12/2019
Hezbollah ‘willing to co-operate’ with Lebanon’s judiciary over corruption
The National/November 11/2019
Hassan Nasrallah urged the judiciary to act on corruption in a speech on Monday
Hezbollah will co-operate with Lebanon’s judiciary on any corruption probe, the group’s leader said on Monday.
In a televised address on the country’s 13th day without a functioning government and amid massive street protests, Hassan Nasrallah said Hezbollah would respect the judiciary in carrying out corruption investigations into its members. “If there is any case related to a Hezbollah official, I urge you to start with us, and I guarantee Hezbollah’s respect,” Nasrallah said.
Nasrallah urged the judiciary, which has been a target of criticism in the month-long street protests, to rebel against powerful political forces.“We need a judiciary that is brave, strong and does not bow to political pressure,” he said.
The unrest across Lebanon erupted after a build-up of anger at rising living costs and political leaders accused of steering the country toward economic collapse. The unrelenting fervour of the protesters led to the resignation of Prime Minister Saad Hariri in a bid to bring calm. He remains in a caretaker capacity, but the lack of progress on forming a new government has only fanned the flames of protest. From the capital Beirut to Sidon and Tyre in the south up to Tripoli in the north, protesters brandished Lebanese flags, demanding that the formation of a new government be accelerated. They insist any incoming Cabinet be comprised of technocrats and be independent of established political parties.
“We will not leave the streets before our demands are totally satisfied!” shouted one young protester into the microphone of a local broadcaster on Sunday. “We are more determined than ever,” she insisted.
Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri suggested on Monday that a new Cabinet should include representatives from the protest movement.
“The popular movement must be represented in the Cabinet … the true movement that has demands that we all believe in … not the movement that insults people,” Mr Berri told local news service Al Joumhouria. Nasrallah said Hezbollah will “leave the door open” on talks to form a new government. But Mr Berri once again delayed a session of the Lebanese parliament scheduled for Tuesday, citing safety concerns as protesters blocked roads around the Beirut parliament building, causing further delays to a process he said needed to be “quick, quick, quick” to deal with the economic woes the country is facing. “Everyone must be convinced that an economic [crisis] is hanging above our heads,” he said, after postponing the session for a week. Meanwhile, the governor of Lebanon’s Central Bank sought to calm nerves amid the worsening economic and financial crisis, pledging to work on safeguarding the stability of the national currency and protecting bank deposits. Riad Salameh told reporters at a packed press conference that the bank will keep defending the currency peg, stable since 1997. He said there won’t be any capital controls or a “haircut” on customer’s bank deposits, in which the state takes a cut of their money to cover its debts. As he spoke, dozens of protesters outside the bank on Beirut’s commercial Hamra Street blocked the road, chanting “down with the rule of the banks!” as riot police looked on.
Lebanon’s financial troubles have worsened since economically driven mass protests erupted nationwide last month, paralyzing the country and keeping banks shuttered for two weeks. Depositors have rushed to withdraw their money since the banks reopened last week, with the country’s lenders imposing varying capital controls that differ from bank to bank, fueling the turmoil. “The Central Bank aims to protect the stability of the pound and we have the capability to do that,” Salameh said, acknowledging at the same time the difference in price in currency exchange shops, which he said was due to market demand.
He described it as a “phenomenon” that will go away when demand diminishes. Mr Salameh added that the central bank has reserves of $38 billion – including 30 billion “that we can use immediately.”
Students who joined the protest in dramatic fashion last week, carrying school bags and banging pots and pans, remained out of education on Monday. The caretaker education minister said schools and universities would close on Tuesday “to preserve the safety of students” amid continuing protests, and out of respect for their right to demonstrate.

Nasrallah ups the ante amid financial and political turmoil
Georgi Azar/Annahar/November 11/2019
Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah’s comments came during a televised news conference on Monday
BEIRUT: Hezbollah is pushing for a government that prioritizes Lebanon’s national interests and resists US hegemony, its leader Hassan Nasrallah said Monday. Lebanon has been without a fully functioning government since Prime Minister Saad Hariri submitted his resignation almost two weeks ago. Hariri capitulated to thousands of protesters’ demands who accused the decades-old political class of leading Lebanon to the brink of economic collapse. Nasrallah also accused the U.S of blocking capital inflows into Lebanon, hindering Chinese investments and threatening sanctions for doing business in Syria. “The state should bolster the agricultural and industrial sectors,” Nasrallah said, arguing that the “Iraqi market presents a historic opportunity for Lebanon.”He also urged discussions with the Syrian government to open the export routes to Iraq, which will bolster local production.
Nasrallah also accused the U.S of hindering progress in the demarcation of Lebanon’s maritime and land borders with Israel to block Lebanon from extracting its own oil and gas.
Lebanon has yet to begin its offshore oil and gas exploration despite signing an agreement with a consortium of energy firms last year. In the midst of a massive contraction of its economy, with economic growth falling below the 0 percent mark, Lebanon has also been hit with U.S sanctions targetting its banking sector. In August, the U.S targetted Jammal Trust Bank, accusing it of aiding and abetting Hezbollah. The bank denied the charges but was forced to go through liquidation./ “Our money is not in the banks and the sanctions on the banking sector are sanctions against Lebanon and the Lebanese people which seek to divide our people,” Nasrallah said. Lebanon has found itself caught in the crosshairs of a wider U.S-Iranian conflict, with President Donald Trump’s administration seemingly determined to implement an economic pressure campaign on the Islamic Republic and its proxies. “Iranian and Chinese companies are willing and able of investing in Lebanon but the U.S prohibits them,” Nasrallah said. Lebanese firms, meanwhile, are also refraining from investing in Syria fearing possible retribution from the U.S, Nasrallah said.
Nasrallah also threw his support behind Lebanon’s judiciary, saying that his party is willing to cooperate even in cases involving its members. “If there is any case related to a Hezbollah official, I urge you to start with us, and I guarantee Hezbollah’s respect,” Nasrallah said, addressing the Higher Judicial Council during as protests entered their 26th day.  Tackling corruption should be Lebanon’s priority, he said, acknowledging that a political consensus is forming on the issue. Consensus over the makeup of the government, however, has yet to materialize. “When it comes to the government formation … the meetings are ongoing and the discussions are underway in the country,” he said. “I will not discuss this matter … and we will leave the door open.”Hariri, sources say, has pushed for a Cabinet free from the traditional political parties, as per the protesters’ demands, but has met opposition from Hezbollah and to a lesser extent its ally the Free Patriotic Movement.

Lebanon’s Nasrallah says non-sectarian politics not everybody’s demand
Staff writer, Al Arabiya English/Monday, 11 November 2019
Lebanese Hezbollah’s Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah said on Monday that canceling sectarian politics is not everybody’s demand. “There are other nationwide demands such as fighting corruption.”In a televised speech, the Hezbollah leader said he will not talk about the new Lebanese government, adding that he wants to leave doors open because talks are still underway. On Sunday three senior sources told Reuters talks to agree on an urgently needed new government were still deadlocked. “When it comes to the government formation … the meetings are ongoing and the discussions are underway in the country. I will not discuss this matter … and we will leave the door open,” Nasrallah said.

Nasrallah on New Govt.: Meetings Ongoing, All Doors Open to Reach Best Possible Result
Naharnet/November 11/2019
Hizbullah Secretary-General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah on Monday refrained from commenting extensively on the issue of the ongoing negotiations to form a new government, saying efforts are being exerted to “reach the best possible result for the country.”“As for the discussions over the government, the designation of a new premier and the government’s line-up and nature, I will not say anything, because the meetings and bilateral and tripartite consultations are ongoing and we are not obliged to announce any stance,” Nasrallah said in a televised address marking Hizbullah’s ‘Martyr Day’. “All doors are open in order to reach the best possible result for the country,” Hizbullah’s leader added. Turning to the issue of the fight against corruption, Nasrallah said: “I’ve been saying that we must capitalize on positivities and there is currently consensus… on the issue of recovering stolen funds.”“Today, I don’t believe that anyone can protect any corrupt, and there is a real call for combating corruption,” he said. “The fight against corruption requires honest judges who do not bow to political pressures,” Nasrallah noted, adding that “there are honest and brave judges on whom we can count.”
“I tell judges in the country to emulate the martyrs who sacrificed themselves for the sake of the country. You must be brave and you must not bow to any political or religious leader in the country,” he said. “In my capacity as Hizbullah’s secretary general, I call on the Higher Judicial Council and the competent judges to tackle any corruption file targeting any Hizbullah official… You can start by us,” Nasrallah added. Moreover, Nasrallah accused the United States and its Lebanese allies of preventing Lebanon from cooperating economically with Iraq, Syria and China. “The United States is playing a role in the current economic hardships in Lebanon… The U.S. is trying to deepen this (economic) dilemma,” he lamented. “The Americans are preventing us from dealing with Chinese companies,” Nasrallah said. “Why should we bow to the Americans over something that can rescue our country?” he asked. Nasrallah added that the recent U.S. sanctions on a Lebanese bank are aimed at “stirring sedition in Lebanon.”Calling on the Lebanese state to “activate the agricultural and industrial sectors,” Nasrallah said there is “a major chance for the Lebanese agricultural and industrial sectors, which is (exporting to) Iraq.”“The Lebanese government should agree with the Syrian government over exportation to Iraq,” he urged. “The Americans are seeking to prevent us from finding markets for our products,” Nasrallah warned. 35 Responding to remarks by U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo over the Iranian influence in Lebanon and Iraq, Nasrallah added: “Where is the Iranian influence in Lebanon? Where is the Iranian influence over banks and the army?”

Aoun Expected to Call for PM Consultations in Tuesday Interview
Naharnet/November 11/2019
President Michel Aoun will appear in a TV interview Tuesday at 8:30 pm to talk about the latest developments, the Presidency said on Monday. Several Lebanese TV networks said the president is expected to announce the date of the binding parliamentary consultations for choosing a new premier during the interview. Aoun has delayed the consultations in a bid to secure prior consensus on the premier and the shape of the new government. Saad Hariri had tendered his government’s resignation on October 29 in response to pressure from unprecedented, massive and cross-sectarian street protests that have gripped Lebanon since October 17. The World Bank on Wednesday warned that the failure to quickly form a government that meets protesters’ demands could lead to an even sharper economic downturn.

Berri Postpones Legislative Session, Slams ‘Campaign to Maintain Political Vacuum’
Naharnet/November 11/2019
Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri on Monday postponed a legislative session scheduled for Tuesday, citing security concerns, as he accused some protesters of seeking to prolong the state of “political vacuum” in the country. “Due to the current circumstances and turbulent security situation… and because of this reason exclusively, I have decided to postpone tomorrow’s session to Tuesday, November 19, with the same agenda,” Berri said. “The campaign that has been launched against the legislative session is aimed at maintaining the current political vacuum,” Berri added, warning that the postponement of the session “is not in the interest of those who are plotting for vacuum.”“Those who want to hijack the rightful demands don’t want the approval of a law against corruption, the law on setting up a special court for financial crimes, the elderly pension law and other important laws in order to keep bargaining over the affected people,” Berri said. He however called for representing “the real protest movement” in an “inclusive government,” urging a speedy cabinet formation. Protesters had called for blocking the roads leading to parliament on Tuesday to prevent MPs from taking part in the legislative session. Strikes in various sectors are still scheduled for Tuesday.
Vacuum” in the country.
“Due to the current circumstances and turbulent security situation… and because of this reason exclusively, I have decided to postpone tomorrow’s session to Tuesday, November 19, with the same agenda,” Berri said. “The campaign that has been launched against the legislative session is aimed at maintaining the current political vacuum,” Berri added, warning that the postponement of the session “is not in the interest of those who are plotting for vacuum.”“Those who want to hijack the rightful demands don’t want the approval of a law against corruption, the law on setting up a special court for financial crimes, the elderly pension law and other important laws in order to keep bargaining over the affected people,” Berri said. He however called for representing “the real protest movement” in an “inclusive government,” urging a speedy cabinet formation. Protesters had called for blocking the roads leading to parliament on Tuesday to prevent MPs from taking part in the legislative session. Strikes in various sectors are still scheduled for Tuesday.

Banks Go on Strike Until ‘Normalcy’ Returns in Lebanon
Naharnet/November 11/2019
The Federation of Syndicates of Employees of Lebanese Banks announced in a statement on Monday an open-ended strike “until the situation returns to normalcy,”amid an aggravating economic crisis. The statement said: Last week, the banking sector witnessed unstable situation that led to unacceptable working conditions. Colleagues were subjected to insults and even assaults by depositors, whom we fully understand their concerns. In addition, chaos in a number of bank branches led to a state of confusion, anxiety and fear among colleagues who continued to carry out their professional duties despite these stressful conditions psychologically and even physically. The Federation received many requests from colleagues demanding its intervention to carry out its duties to defend the safety of bankers. The Federation announces a general strike and calls on colleagues to stop work from Tuesday morning on November 12, 2019 until calm returns to the general conditions needed by the banking sector to resume normal business.

Lebanon’s Central Bank governor says country is in a ‘dollarized economy’
Staff Writer, Al Arabiya English/Monday, 11 November 2019
Lebanon’s Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh said on Monday in a televised news conference that because of the latest developments in the country’s ongoing economic crisis, the country has now entered “exceptional circumstances.”The economy is now “dollarized,” Salameh said, adding “If there are no dollars in the market, there is no economy.” The governor confirmed the central bank’s commitment to maintaining the Lebanese pound’s exchange rate peg to the US dollar. He said that the bank’s main goal is the preservation of this peg adding, “we have the capacity for this.” Salameh said that the central bank has also put measures in place to protect depositors so that they do not bear losses, and that “deposits are secured.” Capital controls are not on the table, Salameh continued, stating that, “this country lives off of freedom of financial transfers.”
Foreign reserves excluding gold current stand at around $38 billion, including eurobonds, the governor confirmed. He added that the central bank has asked banks to re-evauluate all credit facilities that have been reduced since October 17, and that banks have been asked to maintain their credit card ceilings. The governor said that banks will meet to discuss and agree on these issues immediately. He concluded his address stating that the central bank hopes for a new government as soon as possible.

Lebanon Leaders Try to Buy Time to Address Protests
Agence France Presse/Naharnet/November 11/2019
Lebanon’s embattled leaders tried to buy time Monday, dodging mounting public pressure over the country’s unprecedented economic and political crises. Nearly four weeks into nationwide protests calling for the ouster of the ruling elite, radical changes demanded by demonstrators have not been implemented.
The peaceful protests against corruption and sectarianism have paralyzed Lebanon, worsening an economic crisis that has brought the country to the brink of default. Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh — increasingly under fire for his monetary policies — insisted however that deposits were safe and the country’s currency would remain pegged to the dollar. “The central bank’s first and foremost goal is to protect the Lebanese pound’s stability,” he told a news conference. The bank has taken measures “to protect depositors and protect deposits,” he said. Salameh said he had asked local banks to lift restrictions imposed after protests started on October 17. Recent decreases in capital inflows have caused dollar shortages, leading banks to cap withdrawals. On the unofficial market, the greenback has sold at up to 20 percent more than its official rate.
While Salameh insisted the financial sector would remain solvent, trust in the central bank has plummeted and outside the news conference dozens of protesters voiced their anger. “All of them means all of them. Salameh’s one of them,” they chanted, in a variation of a common call for all political figures to resign.
– Victory of sorts – Protesters demand a complete overhaul of a political system they say has been dominated by the same families of political leaders since the end of the 1975-1990 civil war. The government resigned on October 29 but stayed on in a caretaker capacity and parliamentary consultations on forming a new government are yet to be held. Demonstrators call for technocrats not affiliated with Lebanon’s traditional parties, but it is unclear whether this demand will be met. Activists on social media called for a general strike, vowing to block roads leading to parliament on Tuesday, as Speaker Nabih Berri postponed a scheduled legislative session by a week to November 19. In the northern city of Tripoli, thousands gathered in the main square at night fall. Protester Bilal Hussein, 33, said parliament’s postponement was a victory of sorts. “This is the speaker’s first time recognizing that things after October 17 are not as they were before,” he said.
– ‘Point of no return’ –
Earlier in the day, hundreds of students protested in several parts of the country, and dozens of demonstrators gathered near the airport. In recent days, high school pupils and university students have taken a leading role in protests, demanding a better future in a country where youth unemployment is over 30 percent. In central Beirut, Mohammed, an unemployed 51-year-old, said he had hope in the next generation. “We have reached a point of no return. Young school pupils are the ones who will decide our destiny,” he said. Corrupt political leaders “have stolen 30 years of our lives, but they won’t be able to steal a single second off the young generations.” On Monday, Hizbullah chief Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah called for corruption prosecutions and a mechanism to return stolen money to the state. Nasrallah had previously called on his supporters to leave the cross-sectarian street movement, arguing that unnamed foreign entities were funding protests. The World Bank on Wednesday urged authorities to swiftly form a new government to prevent further deterioration of the economy. The crisis has hit businessmen unable to purchase imports in dollars, and caused panic among citizens fearing petrol and food shortages. Lebanon’s economy has been battered by a series of political crises, compounded by the eight-year civil war in neighboring Syria. Economists are deeply concerned by the country’s crippling debt of $86 billion, which equates to roughly 150 percent of the gross domestic product.

Lebanon: Central Bank Tries to Calm Nerves as Bank Employee Union Calls for Strike
Asharq Al-Awsat/Monday, 11 November, 2019
Lebanese Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh sought on Monday to calm nerves by saying bank deposits are secure and that there won’t be any capital controls. In a televised news conference, Salameh said the central bank had taken measures to safeguard deposits. Capital controls were not on the table because Lebanon depended on free movement of money, he added. “A haircut is not on the table,” said Salameh, adding that Lebanon was passing through “exceptional circumstances” and a historic phase. Lebanon’s financial troubles have worsened since nationwide economically-driven protests erupted last month. Depositors have rushed to withdraw their money in recent days, while the country’s various lenders have imposed varying capital controls that differ from bank to bank, fueling the turmoil. The unprecedented wave of anti-government protests prompted the resignation of Prime Minister Saad Hariri.
Though it’s still pegged at 1,500 pounds to the dollar, the Lebanese pound is trading at up to 1,900 to the dollar on the black market, a devaluation of nearly 30 percent from the official rate. But Salameh reiterated that the central bank had the capabilities to defend the currency peg.
Salameh said the central bank hoped for the formation of a new government as soon as possible. The central bank would seek to bring down interest rates through liquidity management measures, he added. Referring to restrictions imposed by commercial banks since they reopened from a two-week closure, Salameh said the central bank had also asked banks to review these. His press conference came minutes after the president of the Federation of Syndicates of Bank Employees called on bank staff to go on strike from Tuesday because of safety concerns. George al Hajj said the decision had been taken on Monday at a meeting of the syndicate that represents 11,000 bank employees. “We call on the employees to abide by our decision,” he said, adding he did not know how many banks might be closed as a result. Giving examples of safety risks faced by bank staff, he cited protests against banks and customers demanding to withdraw their deposits.

Mustaqbal Says ‘Govt. of Experts’ Must Lead ‘Transitional Phase’
Naharnet/November 11/2019
Al-Mustaqbal parliamentary bloc on Monday hailed caretaker Prime Minister Saad Hariri’s “responsible stances on preserving people’s freedom to protest and express their opinions in a peaceful manner.”It also lauded his “strenuous efforts to prepare for a transitional phase in which a government of experts would shoulder the responsibility of restoring confidence and addressing people’s economic, social and livelihood problems.”The bloc also said that Hariri’s efforts come out of “his keenness on responding to the rightful demands of the popular protest movement.”

Geagea Says Technocrat Ministers Must be Totally Independent
Naharnet/November 11/2019
Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea on Monday emphasized that the new government should be formed of “independent experts,” warning that “some are seeking a government of experts who would be their cronies.”“This is not what is needed at the moment,” Geagea said after a meeting for the LF-led Strong Republic bloc. “To those clinging to seats and posts, I tell them that the situation is dangerous and very critical and that things must be addressed in a more serious manner so that they don’t up without seats, posts or anything else,” Geagea cautioned. Geagea also criticized as “unacceptable” the ongoing delay in setting a date for the binding parliamentary consultations. Commenting on Hizbullah chief Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah’s latest remarks, the LF leader denounced his attempt to “downplay the crisis.”“Some suppose that had China (firms) operated in Lebanon, we would have avoided the crisis, but I do not share this viewpoint,” Geagea said. Noting that there is no confidence in the ruling class, the LF leader pointed out that “the living conditions are the only catalyst of the uprising.”

Shehayyeb Orders Closure of Educational Institutions on Tuesday
Naharnet/November 11/2019
Caretaker Education Minister Akram Shehayyeb on Monday ordered the closure of all schools and universities on Tuesday. “Due the continuation of the popular uprising, which has called for a general strike tomorrow, and to preserve students’ safety and respect their right to democratic expression, classes will be suspended tomorrow, Tuesday… at all public and private schools, high schools, vocational institutes and universities,” Shehayyeb said in a statement. High school and university students across Lebanon have skipped classes since Wednesday to carry on the flame of the country’s anti-graft movement. Lebanon has since October 17 been gripped by massive cross-sectarian protests demanding a complete revamping of a political system they say is corrupt and inept.With youth unemployment running at over 30 percent, school students have joined en masse since Wednesday demanding a better country so they don’t have to emigrate.

Rahi: State’s Destiny Not subject to Individual Interests
Naharnet/November 11/2019
Maronite Patriarch Beshara al-Rahi emphasized on Monday that the State’s destiny must not be conditional upon the interests of individuals or parties. “It is not permissible at all to link the fate of the State’s entity, people and capabilities to the interest of an individual or party, no matter how strong they believe themselves to be. No one is stronger than his people,” said Rahi. The Patriarch regretted the obstacles standing before the formation of a government, that would gain the confidence of the people. According to him, this delay will cause collapse and the fall of the state.

Protests Keep Up Pressure Against Political Class
Naharnet/November 11/2019
Demonstrations against the ruling class in Lebanon pursue for the 26th day on Monday as demonstrators slept in tents in front of the state-run Electricte Du Liban headquarters in Corniche al-Nahr area demanding 24-hr electricity. The protesters put up their tents on Sunday where they spent the night protesting the institution’s failure over the years to fix an electricity sector that has pushed the country to the brink of economic collapse. A dated electricity grid, rampant corruption and lack of reform has left power supply lagging way behind rising demand since Lebanon’s 1975-1990 civil war.
Government subsidies to state-run EDL electricity firm have also worsened the cash-strapped government’s budget. EDL receives one of the largest slices of the government’s budget after debt servicing and salaries. In Kaslik, university students staged sit-ins in front of the USEK university blocking the entrances to the facility. MTV said students and university professors did not have access to the facility. In the southern city of Sidon, around 30 fishing boats sailed from the port brandishing Lebanese flags to demand regulation of the fishing sector, and in support of the protesters’ demands. The country has since October 17 been swept by an unprecedented cross-sectarian protest movement against the entire political establishment, which is widely seen as irretrievably corrupt and unable to deal with a deepening economic crisis. The protests triggered Prime Minister Saad Hariri to tender the resignation of his government on October 29, but he remains in a caretaker capacity and manoeuvrings are still ongoing to form a new cabinet.

‘Sister Protests’: Lebanon, Iraq Look to Each Other
Agence France Presse/Naharnet/November 11/2019
A Lebanese flag flutters in the protest-hit Iraqi capital. More than 900 kilometers away, a revolutionary Iraqi chant rings out from a bustling protest square in Beirut. “Don’t trust the rumors, they’re a group of thieves,” sings a group of Lebanese musicians in Iraqi dialect, referring to political leaders they deem incompetent and corrupt. “The identity is Lebanese,” they continue, reworking the chant by Iraqi preacher Ali Youssef al-Karbalai, made popular during the street movement there. Such recent shows of solidarity have become a common feature of protest squares in the two countries, where corruption, unemployment and appalling public services have fueled unprecedented street movements demanding the ouster of an entire political class. They serve to “shed light on similarities between the two movements and boost morale,” said Farah Qadour, a Lebanese oud musician. “The two streets are observing and learning from each other,” said the 26-year-old who is part of the group that adopted al-Karbalai’s chant. In Lebanon’s southern city of Nabatiyeh, hundreds brandishing Lebanese flags chanted: “From Iraq to Beirut, one revolution that never dies.”And in the northern city of Tripoli, dubbed the “bride” of Lebanon’s protest movement, a man standing on a podium waved a wooden pole bearing the flags of the two countries. “From Lebanon to Iraq, our pain is one, our right is one, and victory is near,” read a sign raised during another protest, outside Beirut’s state-run electricity company.
– ‘We’re with you’ –
In Tahrir Square, the beating heart of Baghdad’s month-old protest movement, demonstrators are selling Lebanese flags alongside Iraqi ones. They have hung some on the abandoned Turkish restaurant, turned by Iraqi demonstrators into a protest control tower.
Banners reading “from Beirut to Baghdad, one revolution against the corrupt” could be seen throughout. Lebanon and Iraq are ranked amongst the most corrupt countries in the region by anti-graft watchdog Transparency International, with Iraq listed as the 12th most corrupt in the world. Public debt levels in both countries are relatively high, with the rate in Lebanon exceeding 150 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). “What’s happening on the streets in Iraq and Lebanon, they’re sister protests,” said Samah, a 28-year-old Lebanese demonstrator. “They’re the result of an accumulation” of years of problems. One video that went viral on social media networks showed a masked Iraqi protester dressed in military fatigues demanding the resignation of Lebanese Foreign Minister Jebran Bassil, one of the main targets of protesters in the small Mediterranean country. In a video released online, a group of young Iraqi men had filmed themselves singing, “Lebanon, we’re with you!” The two movements also seem to be adopting similar protest strategies. In both countries, rows of parked vehicles have blocked traffic along main thoroughfares in recent weeks. University-aged demonstrators wearing medical masks or eye goggles have occupied bridges and flyovers, refusing to believe pledges of reform from both governments.
‘The goal is one’
The big difference is that in Iraq, the demonstrations have turned deadly, with more than 300 people, mostly protesters but also including security forces, killed since the movement started October 1. Lebanon’s street movement, which started on October 17, has been largely incident-free despite scuffles with security forces and counter-demonstrators rallying in support of established parties. The two movements, however, are united in their anger about the kind of political system that prioritizes power-sharing between sects over good governance. The consecutive governments born out of this system have been prone to deadlock and have failed to meet popular demands for better living conditions. “We are united by a sense of patriotic duty in confronting this sectarian political system,” said Obeida, a 29-year-old protester from Tripoli. He said he had high hopes for Iraqi protesters because the sectarian power-sharing system there is relatively new, having emerged after the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003. “In Lebanon, it’s more entrenched,” he said of the arrangement that ended the country’s 1975-1990 civil war. On a Beirut waterfront, dotted with luxury restaurants and cafes, a 70-year-old Iraqi man who has been living in Lebanon for five years looked on as demonstrators laid out picnic blankets on the grass. With a Lebanese flag wrapped around his neck, Fawzi said the protests looked different but reminded him of those back home. “The goal is one,” he said.

British Embassy Commemorates Remembrance Day
Naharnet/November 11/2019
Commemorating the annual ‘Remembrance Day’, the British embassy hosted a service at the Beirut Commonwealth War Grave Cemetery in honor of the brave soldiers on all sides, who were killed during World Wars I and II, and in other conflicts. The service was attended by the families of Lebanese and Palestinian veterans, British Ambassador Chris Rampling; British Defense Attaché Lt. Col. Alex Hilton; senior representatives from the Lebanese Army Commander, Head of the Internal Security Forces and the Director General of the General Security. Ambassadors, diplomats and military attachés of U.S., European and Commonwealth countries were present. At the end of the service, two minutes’ silence was held before Ambassador Rampling and Commonwealth Ambassadors laid wreaths on the memorial. Last week, Ambassador Rampling visited veteran soldier Sheikh Jad El Hassaniye in Ain Wou Zein and handed him his Commonwealth Ex Servicemen’s League pension. Hassaniyeh, born in 1921, served in the British Army with the Trans-Jordanian Frontier Force (TJFF) from 1939 to 1945. The Beirut War Cemetery is the final resting place of around 1,200 soldiers, most of whom were from the UK, Australia, New Zealand, India and South Africa. The war graves are supervised by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission.

Titles For The Latest Lebanese LCCC English analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on November 11-12/2019
Hezbollah ‘willing to co-operate’ with Lebanon’s judiciary over corruption/The National/November 11/2019
Nasrallah ups the ante amid financial and political turmoil/Georgi Azar/Annahar/November 11/2019
Lebanese protests lacking a legitimate leader/Dr. Dania Koleilat Khatib/Arab News/November 11/ 2019
Recovering stolen public funds, a priority for demonstrators/Ryme Alhussayni/Annahar/November 11/2019
Ye shall know the truth and the truth shall set you free/Dan Azzi/Annahar/November 11/2019
Lebanon is on the brink of economic disaster/The National/November 11/2019
Lebanon has no haircut or capital control plans, central bank governor says/Massoud A Derhally/The National/November 11/2019
What will ‘fix’ Lebanon? A century of sectarianism cannot be scrapped overnight – but it can be transformed/Albadr Alshateri/The National/November 11/2019
Lebanon’s Richest Need To Take a Haircut/Dan Azzi/Bloomberg/Monday, 11 November, 2019
The Walls of Iraq and Lebanon and the Iranian Thread/Ghassan Charbel/Monday, 11 November, 2019
Khalaf Ahmad Al-Habtoor/My message to the Lebanese: Stay strong and you will triumph/Arab News/November 11, 2019
Inside The House of Michel Aoun: A Feuding Dynasty/Haifa Zeaiter/Raseef22/November 11/2019

The Latest LCCC English analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on November 11-12/2019
Lebanese protests lacking a legitimate leader
Dr. Dania Koleilat Khatib/Arab News/November 11/ 2019
What is the way forward for Lebanon? This is a very tricky question. How can Lebanon reconcile the street’s demands with reality? How can the international community safeguard Lebanon from total collapse? The regional director of the World Bank last week met with the Lebanese president and informed him of the seriousness of the situation. As many as 30 percent of the Lebanese people are living in poverty and this figure could easily go up to 50 percentif reforms are not undertaken immediately.
The country has no functioning infrastructure and the state is incapable of providing basic services. Nevertheless, the traditional political elite is unwilling to relinquish its grip on power. The problem is that the street represents no alternative. The street can demand, but it is not the one offering solutions or implementing them. These protests do not have a leadership — they are composed of small groups that appeared spontaneously and the ruling elite does not take them seriously. The political leaders are counting on the movement dissipating or becoming politicized, just like the 2015-16 movement of “Talaat Rihatkon” (You Stink) did before it fizzled out.
However, this movement is different. It marks a new collective consciousness: The Lebanese people are finally aware that the system is dysfunctional. More importantly, they are aware that they are all together in one boat. They are chanting “kullun yaani kullun,” meaning “all means all.” By denouncing all politicians, they are standing together, united against corruption. Here the corrupt political elites have no internal support, except for the few thugs they occasionally use to infiltrate and disrupt the demonstrations and intimidate protesters.
The streets now have a new problem, which is representation. Obviously, the existing elected parliament has lost its legitimacy as people are chanting for its removal. However, who are the true legitimate representatives of the people? So far there is no framework through which a legitimate representative can emerge. Anyone could claim that he or she represents the people and there is no mechanism to check or contest that. It is known that the current situation will allow many opportunists who have no real connection to the people to jump on the bandwagon and claim they are the true legitimate representatives of the streets. If all powers fall — i.e., if the president resigns and the parliament and prime minister do the same — then how will the country be governed and how will any reforms be conducted? What kind of transition would allow for the formation of a new patriotic and clean political elite that is representative of the grassroots? What would early elections result in if there were no credible alternative to the current representation? We might have very much the same configuration.
Not only has the current configuration lost the trust of the people, it has also lost the trust of the international community. This is why we don’t see any international support for the government. No one is ready to bail out a corrupt state. When Prime Minister Saad Hariri resigned, we did not see any opposition to that, except from France. The silence facing the resignation of Hariri, given that he was the personality giving international exposure to the government, shows that the current structure has lost its international legitimacy.
Everyone is counting down to a banking crisis despite the statement made by the head of the Lebanese banking association on Saturday, when he reassured depositors that their money is safe and that there is no need to panic. Moody’s, the ratings agency, has downgraded Lebanon’s rating to Caa2, which is poor quality and a very high credit risk. No friendly country is ready to support the current configuration and put dollars into the Lebanese central bank to boost the Lebanese pound.
Not only has the current configuration lost the trust of the people, it has also lost the trust of the international community.
As I have written previously, the only institution that has popular legitimacy is the army. The US State Department last week confirmed its continuing support for the armed forces. The discipline the army has shown in managing those protests is admirable. In a joint statement, Fadlo Khuri, the president of the American University of Beirut, and Salim Daccache, the head of Saint Joseph University — two very prestigious institutions — expressed their support for the demonstrationsand their gratitude to the Lebanese armed and security forces.
However, the army cannot rule. A military council is incompatible with the Lebanese culture and traditions. A government of technocrats that is shielded from the current political streams is the best possible solution to implement reforms and lead the country toward new parliamentary elections. Nonetheless, in this very difficult period, the army should have the authority and the international support to protect the government and its members from any intimidation they might face from the old guard. *Dr. Dania Koleilat Khatib is a specialist in US-Arab relations with a focus on lobbying. She holds a PhD in politics from the University of Exeter and is an affiliated scholar with the Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs at the American University of Beirut.

Recovering stolen public funds, a priority for demonstrators
Ryme Alhussayni/Annahar/November 11/2019
Embezzlement of public funds, illicit enrichment and corruption are three crimes that are categorized under money laundering.
BEIRUT: Political parties, public administrations, and the Lebanese Parliament are perceived by demonstrators as the most corrupt institutions of the country. Rampant corruption has exacerbated political instability and the dire economic situation, triggering the Lebanese people to fill the streets for the 25th day in a row. The “recovery of stolen public funds” is at the top of the list of protester’s demands. Coffee & Politics, an organization where political debates are encouraged, held a discussion last week to discuss tools that should be taken into consideration, by the youth, to fight corruption.
The long-time activist in a number of Lebanese civil society organizations dealing with the areas of human rights, anti-corruption, democratization, the rule of law and conflict resolution, Former MP Ghassan Moukheiber stressed three anti-corruption mechanisms: transparency, accountability, and incrimination.
NAYA| Woman of the Month: Malak Alaywe Herz, Lebanon’s uprising icon
“When a state employee or an MP is confident that no one is going to hold him accountable for taking a certain amount of money, he will take the risk,” Moukheiber said.
In any parliamentary system, lawmakers are tasked with passing laws and holding ministers accountable when needed. However, from 1992 to 2019, a mere 21 sessions were held (less than one session per year), Moukheiber noted. On the other hand, the Central Inspection Authority, which investigates corruption in public administrations, is understaffed, Moukheiber added.
“The revolution reflects apeople’s dissatisfaction; they don’t know the right cure yet, but any existing power that does not abide by a transparent system will fall,”Moukheiber told Annahar.
Lebanon has enacted legislation on fighting corruption but needs to modernize its laws. Legal expert and consultant Paul Morcos shared with Annahar three laws that can be employed to recover stolen funds: the penal code on fighting money laundering, the illicit enrichment law that was enacted in 1954, and the whistle blowing law enacted in October 2018. Law number 44, which was issued in 2015 to fight money laundering, also applies in the case of public funds embezzlement, illicit enrichment and corruption, which are three crimes categorized under money laundering.
“A special investigaton commission was established before BDL (Banque Du Liban), which has the right to lift banking secrecy in Lebanon and to investigate suspected accounts,” Morcos said. He explained that the commission has the right to communicate with other commissions around the world to trace funds that have been transferred from Lebanon. This particular mechanism has used to investigate money laundering cases. Morcos says if political parties stop pressuring the Judiciary to protect perpetrators, the state prosecutor may ask the special investigator commission at BDL to investigate corruption.

Ye shall know the truth and the truth shall set you free
Dan Azzi/Annahar/November 11/2019
If two thirds of all deposits are at the central bank, with his having no way of creating it to pay you back, what exactly are we waiting on, for us to recognize our ailment?
A press conference by the Governor of the Central Bank, Mr. Riad Salameh, addressed things on people’s minds — capital controls, haircuts, and devaluation/floating the currency. Should we do it? Can we avoid it?
Let’s start by establishing a benchmark of mutually agreed-upon facts and premises.
If you have a deposit in a current account at your bank and you can only withdraw a small amount of your money, like a teenager pleading with his dad for his weekly pocket money, don’t we already have capital controls?
Maybe it’s temporary, right? When a government is formed, we’ll get relief? When CEDRE funds come? When the US or EU writes us a check for $20 billion because we are too important for the survival of the world order? When oil and gas starts gushing in a few short months?
If two thirds of all deposits are at the central bank, with his having no way of creating it to pay you back, what exactly are we waiting on, for us to recognize our ailment?
If you’re too busy to read the balance sheet of your own bank (published on its website) to see exactly what percentage of its deposits are with BDL, don’t you feel something is wrong just from the reaction you get when you visit a branch?
This is the quintessential metric in Lebanon to know the real liquidity of your bank. The average is 65%. If your bank ratio is below, this is good. If it’s higher, then the senior managers at your bank own the most expensive suits, watches, cars, homes, and yachts … thanks to you. Before you start transferring your money to banks with lower ratios, or a Lebanese foreign bank, which (probably) wasn’t allowed to play in Disneyland, it’s too late — it’s just fake money moving around.
Does Governor Salameh have to spell it out for you in black and white? Are you waiting for him to tell you that things are not “top”? Can’t you see the truth in his eyes? In the grave look on his face? In the ever-so-slight quiver in his voice?
The one time he told the unvarnished truth on CNN, he was hammered by the market and commentators, and was alihassankhalilled.
When you see people offering 10% commissions to trade a check for cash, isn’t that a voluntary 10% haircut or a DEVALUATION OF THE LEBANESE DOLLAR? If a check is no longer the same as cash (despite it being a felony to bounce one), what does that tell you?
If you can’t buy dollars at the bank, and you have to execute in the parallel market at 1,850-2,000 Lira, to meet basic needs (like paying a loan or rent), then, for all practical purposes, haven’t we already de-pegged or floated the currency? Hasn’t it already happened, but we just haven’t received the memo?
Do you really prefer to continue to be lied to? That the Lira is still at 1,507.5, when all your daily experiences tell you it’s not? Do you want to continue believing that your account is intact, when your personal experience and deepest intuition is screaming that something is drastically wrong?
Does postponing recognition improve things? Does shooting the messenger help? Is it like good wine and will get better with time … or more like cancer, spreading relentlessly through the bone marrow of our economy?
Governor Salameh himself said he has $30 billion cash reserves — that’s “real” money in the system. Real money is dollars that can be tracked to a transfer from overseas to Lebanon, or generated through selling an export, or actual cold, hard cash. Fake money is the virtual, theoretical crap generated from fake interest in banks, with nothing on the other side, such as deposits at the central bank, which are now 65% of all deposits. What that means is that there’s only 1 real dollar for every 3 or 4 fake ones. The owners of fake dollars are all competing for that one real dollar, 75% of which is part of the central bank reserves. The rest, between $3 and $9 billion are with the Lebanese banks’ custodians (such as Bank of New York or Standard Chartered Bank). It’s somewhat like three guys trying to pick up one girl in an empty bar. At best, one of them will get lucky, with the other two going home empty-handed … or forced to experiment with new adventures.
To make matters worse, many of these foreign banks cut credit lines to our banks, which is why our banks cut credit lines to our companies, choking them further.
These fake dollar owners are also competing with importers, who need real dollars from the central bank, to buy fuel, grain, medicine, cars, clothes, vacations in Greece, iPhones, AK-47 assault rifles, etc. The Chevrolet dealer in America or oil exporter in the GCC would not be amused if you gave him a check drawn on these fake dollars — Monopoly money can only be used in the Lebanese Monopoly board game. And this is why when you go to a gas station to fill your car, the attendant limits you to 20,000 Lebanese Lira.
In other words, our circular Ponzi scheme has now spilled over into the real world, causing shortages of products on our shelves, including some necessities like syringe needles at hospitals. As these competing forces all converge on the dwindling real dollars, the struggle becomes more and more ferocious, not unlike calm people exiting a sinking ship onto a life-raft, that is until they realize that the raft can only fit one third of the passengers. That’s when the orderly exit turns into a violent stampede as people shove each other, each trying to save himself. Little do these poor, middle class, and “merely rich” passengers know that on the other side of the Titanic, there’s a nice luxurious yacht quietly and calmly loading the upper level passengers — the super-rich and super-connected — with little fanfare. In our banking sector, these are the insiders, whose surrogates are going on TV calming you down, telling you that there’s plenty of space on the raft, and to trust them, while they’re getting the hell out of Dodge.
As this competition gets more intense and violent, i.e. the next time you’re at that bar, with 5 guys now competing for that one girl, a fight might break out. At gas stations, maybe in a few weeks, 10,000 Lira might be your limit per car or maybe they just won’t have any fuel. So all this circular problem and denial culture, with these multi-millionaires insisting that their net worth is still intact, a central bank who pawned the problem over to the politicians, politicians refusing to acknowledge reality and react, is now turning us into a self-generated failed state, with broken law and order, all to protect 6,000 decamillionaires.
If you execute capital controls, this forces everyone to get on the same raft, so no more unfair advantage for the top 3 per 1,000 — we all live together or we die together — there’s no better incentive to make us work as a team.
One of the advantages of official, legally-enforceable capital controls is that in the same way that you don’t pay a convict in prison the same wages as a normal citizen on the outside, similarly, interest rates could be reduced for all our deposits, to stop this fake growth, and reduce pressure on our dollar reserves. There’s also another ancillary benefit. We can now reduce interest on all our businesses and factories whose loan rates became way too high, driving many of them to bankruptcy and increasing our already dismally high unemployment rate. This would reduce nonperforming loans and halt the accelerating unemployment rate. This is when dealing with our virtual problem can decisively translate into improving conditions in the real world.
I won’t lie to you. It will take several years of pain, but then we’ll truly rise up, better than we were before, with a real economy, not the lazy rentier fake economy we had before.
Today, the central bank governor missed a chance to take a leading leadership role and unwind some of the mistakes of the past. There’s no shame in making mistakes, but there’s no excuse for piling on bigger mistakes to cover up smaller ones.
What exactly is the end game? Keep depleting the reserves for the next 3 years, and hope that people won’t notice? That’s one hell of an assumption about the collective stupidity of the country.
I leave you with what the top economist in the country, Professor Naim Halawi said, “Your financial engineering is great, now where’s our money?”

Lebanon is on the brink of economic disaster
The National/November 11/2019
With the scarcity of dollars and basic services disrupted, everyday life in the country is grinding to a standstill
It was a financial crisis and unpopular taxes that prompted hundreds of thousands of Lebanese to pour onto the streets nearly four weeks ago, demanding a better quality of life. And it is the worsening state of an already stricken economy that is bringing Lebanon grinding to a standstill. Fuel shortages are rife after petrol stations across the country remained closed, with owners complaining they cannot buy enough fuel because of restricted access to US dollars. Together with wheat and medical shortages, no government, and fears among citizens of being unable to access their savings, Lebanon stands on the brink of economic disaster.
A fortnight ago, Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri and his entire government resigned, saying they had reached an impasse. Yet there has still been no resolution or clear way forward from the ruling class, who have failed to appoint replacements or come up with meaningful solutions. Basic services, from a reliable supply of drinking water to round-the-clock electricity, are still a pipe dream in a nation ravaged by decades of mismanagement and corruption.
Drivers have been stranded without fuel this week as numerous petrol stations stayed closed or rationed their sales, unable to withstand the scarcity of dollars used to buy imported fuel. This shortage of foreign currency has only increased the burden on citizens who are already struggling to make ends meet. Some of the owners of fuel stations, who are also bearing the brunt of a broken system, have shunted the extra costs onto customers by illegally hiking the price of fuel by 25 per cent.
Food supplies are also affected. Last month Lebanese millers, who buy wheat from overseas, warned of a national bread shortage caused by the crunch on the dollar.
And Lebanon’s economy took another hit last Thursday when credit rating agency Moody’s downgraded Lebanon’s three largest banks to junk status, two days after lowering Lebanon’s sovereign bonds rating, citing the lack of credit worthiness of the government. In the latest blow, the credit card firm American Express has told customers it is reducing their credit limits.
This is an untenable situation, further punishing ordinary citizens who are still suffering from a string of government failures. It is a sad reality that when banks opened on November 1 after nearly a fortnight of closure amid the ongoing protests, there was concern about a rush from people anxious to withdraw their savings or transfer them abroad to protect them. To make citizens anxious about whether their savings are even safe in banks is a severe indictment of how ruinous Lebanon’s governance has been – so much so that from 2005 until 2017, parliament could not even agree a formal budget.
Nearly three decades after the end of the 15-year-civil war, the country’s infrastructure, riven by endemic corruption, remains woefully inadequate. There are power cuts of up to 20 hours a day, an unreliable water supply and mounting piles of rubbish in the streets that prompted a 2015 campaign called You Stink, aimed at the inability of politicians to orchestrate proper waste disposal and leaving aggrieved citizens to deal with the stench. It is little wonder the Lebanese felt they had little choice but to march on parliament in protest.
Lebanon has even had to buy electricity from war-torn Syria, a shameful indication of government failures. Yet $11 billion in donor aid, pledged at the Cedre international development conference in Paris last year, remains untouched because Beirut has yet to carry out the necessary reforms, including lowering its deficit and funding infrastructure projects, to unlock it.
Faced with the third-highest public debt in the world and nearly non-existent economic growth, the country was already entrenched in severe financial turmoil even before the October 17 uprising. For the past few weeks, demonstrators have been calling for change and demanding “the return of stolen money”, as some signs held up by protesters have stated, referring to state corruption and the spending that has failed to materialise.
Lebanon has much to offer, from a stunning landscape to some natural resources and a vibrant culture. It is to the detriment of its citizens that so much of that potential is being squandered. The prevailing conditions have gone on too long and cannot be allowed to fester. A situation in which citizens cannot fill their cars, or buy bread or medicine, is indicative of a failed state. Lebanon needs strong leadership to steer it through these troubled times and find a long-term strategy for the revival of a country that has all but collapsed.

Lebanon has no haircut or capital control plans, central bank governor says
Massoud A Derhally/The National/November 11/2019
The regulator’s governor Riad Salameh said the bank can immediately deploy $30bn if required
Lebanon’s central bank governor Riad Salameh said there are no plans to impose capital controls or a haircut on depositors as the country faces its largest economic crisis in three decades.
The central bank will look “to protect depositors,” Riad Salameh said in a televised press conference at the regulator’s headquarters in Beirut as citizens protested outside. “We have taken enough measures so that depositors don’t lose money, there won’t be a haircut, and the central bank doesn’t support this.”A haircut is a financial term used to describe a devaluation of an asset to provide a cushion to lenders. In 2011 depositors of banks in Cyprus, exposed to the Greek debt crisis, lost as much as 60 per cent of their uninsured deposits on balances of more than €100,000. The measure was a requirement at the time for Cyprus to secure a €10 billion bailout from the EU. In recent weeks some in Lebanon have touted the idea as the only way out of the current impasse, as the country faces debt obligations maturing this month as well as next year, and its currency, pegged to the dollar since 1997, is under pressure and has lost more than 19 per cent of its value in the black market.
“The central bank is not authorised to do a haircut and it doesn’t support such a measure,” Mr Salameh said.
Mr Salameh said the central bank had instructed banks to adhere to certain confidence-building measures to restore stability and assure jittery citizens that have been critical of lenders for implementing curbs on withdrawals and charging fees on dollar transactions. One of the requests was for banks to maintain the limit on credit cards and not reduce it, to resume lending to clients and facilitate trade financing, with the goal of averting a liquidity crunch. However, he said the transfer of money abroad will be subject to certain conditions
“Deposits are secured,” Mr Salameh said. “The measures we put in place are to protect any bank … we notified the banks that they can borrow from the central bank at 20 per cent but the funds are not permitted to be transferred abroad.”
The governor downplayed concerns about the strength of the central bank saying its reserves excluding gold stood at $38 billion and the regulator has the ability to deploy $30bn of that amount if needed immediately and will maintain the stability of the Lebanese pound.
The country’s worsening economic climate culminated in more than three weeks of protests that forced prime minister Saad Hariri to step down last month. Citizens have demanded reforms and changes in the political system that has governed the country since the end of a 15-year civil war in 1990. They blame Lebanon’s political elite for widespread
corruption and nepotism, which they say contributed to the country accruing $86bn of public debt, equivalent to 150 per cent of gross domestic product. The central bank holds about 35 per cent of the state’s debt in Lebanese currency.
The social unrest and protests are the largest the country has seen since the assassination of former prime minister Rafik Hariri in 2005, which forced Syria to withdraw its troops from the country after a 29-year presence there.
Lebanon saw an outflow of about $3bn in the first nine months of the year, according to the Institute of International Finance. Mr Salameh put the figure at $2bn and said some $3bn was withdrawn by depositors and stored at homes in Lebanon.
Both Moody’s Investors Service and Fitch Ratings cut the ratings of the country and its banks further into junk territory, on the back of the deteriorating economic climate.
Deflecting public criticism waged at him by some in Lebanese media outlets, Mr Salameh said over the last 27 years central bank adhered to policies that helped Lebanon in environments that were not conducive to the bank’s operations.
“Financial engineering allowed us to accumulate reserves which backed the Lebanese pound, and implementing international standards of the banking system, and funding the country,” he said.
Mr Salameh referred to various challenging junctures that included heightened internal political tensions that left the country without a president on two occasions, the sanctioning of by the US of two Lebanese banks that led to their closure and regional geopolitical developments like the war in neighbouring Syria that has had direct reverberations on Lebanon’s economy.
“Lebanon today is living in a historic time … our view is that the government’s budget should not have a deficit…we also hope there are essential reforms…and that the private sector is reenergised,” Mr Salameh said.
Lebanon’s economy is projected to slow to 0.2 per cent this year, from about 0.3 per cent in 2018, according to International Monetary Fund estimates. Prior to Mr Hariri’s resignation, the fund was assessing an emergency economic reform package unveiled by the Lebanese government that sought to tax banks and cut the pay of officials, in an attempt to avert a financial crisis. The emergency plan, announced by Mr Hariri on October 21, proposed a 2020 budget that targets a fiscal deficit of 0.6 per cent of GDP.
Most of Lebanon’s sovereign debt is held by local banks and the financial system, which underpins the economy, attracted billions of dollars in capital flows that helped the country service its fiscal and external deficits over the past three decades.
“I do not want to blame responsibility on anyone,” Mr Salameh said. “This is an exceptional time in Lebanon. The priority today is to preserve stability with the measures and objectives so that the country can take off again once the situation [improves]… Lebanon has the capacity … to overcome … to exit this crisis.”

What will ‘fix’ Lebanon? A century of sectarianism cannot be scrapped overnight – but it can be transformed
Albadr Alshateri/The National/November 11/2019
It is imperative any reforms are carried out while avoiding breaking the political system or causing its collapse
For nearly a month, Lebanese citizens have been thronging the streets, making demands against what they view as a corrupt political class. While it might seem a familiar lament, this time the people are demanding a radical overhaul, not just of the government but the entire political system. The majority are fed up of the sectarian edifice of the state that is responsible, from the protesters’ perspective, for the predominance of a meretricious political class.
But it is imperative any reforms are carried out while avoiding breaking the political system or causing its collapse. Rule number one is “do no harm”. If one cannot fix it, at least do not break it. Rule number two is to beware of the historical process that has given rise to the current system. Political systems are products of a historical process – or, to quote Karl Marx, “the tradition of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living”.
Rule number three is if you have segmented society, the reforms have to be all-inclusive. You cannot afford to alienate certain groups. And rule number four is whatever reforms might be offered, they have to be based on what you got, with the necessary changes to keep the system stable enough for reforms to be implemented. Throwing the baby out with the bathwater would be perilous.
These rules are integral to any reforms because Lebanon is an amalgam of 18 sects, a product of its colonial legacy. Lebanon’s foremost historian, the late Kamal Salibi, called it “a house of many mansions”, which was also the title of his book.
In that respect, Lebanon is not unique. Many Arab countries were the creation of a colonial past, such as Syria, Jordan and Iraq. Salibi argues that Lebanon was unique because it was “willed into existence by a community of its own people, albeit one community among others”. It was at the insistence of the Maronite Christians that the creation of Greater Lebanon was acquiesced by the French mandate authority on May 25, 1926, with its constitution. The first Republic of Lebanon was thus born.
Two decades later, the paramount chief of the Sunni Muslims, Riyad Al Solh, struck an unwritten deal with Maronite Christian Bechara El Khoury, known as the National Pact, which laid the foundation for power-sharing between different sects. The Christians (Greek Orthodox, Maronite, Greek Catholic and others), then a majority, and Muslims (Sunni, Shiite, Druz, Alawite) – who, according to the French census of 1932, constituted a minority – would divvy up power in a ratio of 6:5 in favour of the former. The Maronites, thought to have a plurality, would assume the presidency, the prime minister would be a Sunni Muslim, and the Shiite sect would head the parliament.
The formula ushered in what is known as a multiconfessional or consociational democracy; namely, one based on power-sharing. Arend Lijphart, a leading authority on consociationalism, outlined a few aspects that applied to Lebanon. One was an elite agreement on a power-sharing formula; another was the proportional representation of different groups within society; a third was consensus and mutual veto among major groups; and a fourth was autonomy for the constituent parts to exercise cultural or religious practice freely.
Lebanese ingenuity and resourcefulness transformed the country into a prosperous and stable one. However, what looked like a boon for the country later proved to be a bane. The rigidity of the system, plus the vested interests of the elite, who to borrow TS Eliot’s line, were as focused on citizens’ progress as foxes “have a sincere interest in prolonging the lives of the poultry” did not bode well for the country. In less than two decades, the system faced its real reckoning in 1958 when different factions collided over Lebanon’s identity and civil war was barely averted.
The accumulated burdens of the past, in addition to unpropitious regional politics and the presence of armed Palestinians, were too much for the system to bear. Lebanon had become a tinderbox waiting for the strike of the flint. That duly came in 1975 and the whole country exploded in civil warfare. Lebanon’s first republic came tumbling down.
After weeks of street protests by multiconfessionalists and groups, the second republic is now over a barrel
Thanks to war fatigue and a helping hand from Saudi Arabia, the warring factions negotiated the Taif Agreement in 1989. The deal revised the National Pact of 1943. Christians and Muslims would now share power equally. Moreover, the post of the prime minister, still allocated to Sunni Muslims, gained more gravitas than had previously been the case. Lebanon’s second republic, then, saw the light of day.
After weeks of street protests by multiconfessionalists and groups, the second republic is now over a barrel. The demonstrators are not letting up until their demands are met in full. Simply revamping the system will not do for the young people gathered in public squares.
So what is the solution? Political systems have elective affinity with social structures. No one can bypass them. Genuine reforms will have to take this into account. A century of sectarian politics cannot be disposed of at the drop of a hat. It is possible, however, to transform it to suit the new circumstances.
Lebanon’s third republic is now in gestation. It can incorporate the strength of consociationalism with majoritarian democracy. There are quite successful consociational democracy examples that Lebanon can borrow from. The late Lebanese-American political scientist Iliya Harik once pointed to Switzerland’s model for a possible post-war settlement. The Lebanese need not copy-paste from different political systems – but it can draw some lessons from a stable multiethnic country like Switzerland all the same.
In this scheme, Lebanon’s third republic would have a bicameral legislature with an upper house featuring two representatives of each of the 18 officially recognised sects, and a lower house with proportional representation. Any legislation would have to pass both houses to become law. The majority party, or parties, in the lower house, would form a government. There would be no sectarian qualification for the post of the prime minister, who would serve as chief executive.
The 36-members of the upper house, which represents all sects, would nominate five of their number to form a presidential council. The chair of the council would rotate among members every two years. The chair would serve as the president of the republic but the council would be responsible for ratifying laws, calling parliament to session, declaring war and other constitutional responsibilities. They would be individually and collectively answerable to the upper house and could be impeached and removed only by the upper house.
As such, Lebanon can preserve minority rights while moving the ball forward on the sectarian issue. Lebanese institutions are too brittle to withstand a total transformation.
*Albadr Alshateri is a former professor at the National Defence College in Abu Dhabi

Lebanon’s Richest Need To Take a Haircut
Dan Azzi/Bloomberg/Monday, 11 November, 2019
At the root of the economic grievances fueling Lebanon’s mass protests lies what looks like a regulated Ponzi scheme. The problem will not be solved by a change of government—even with a cabinet of experts—or by injections of capital from friendly Arab states: it will require tougher measures, including a compulsory haircut for many of the country’s richest citizens. For decades, Lebanon depended on remittances to sustain its economy and the lira peg. Fixed at 1507.5 lira to the US dollar since 1997, the peg resulted in an overvalued currency, relative to the country’s productivity. This gave the Lebanese a higher income and standard of living than in any neighboring Arab country, allowing them to spend on travel, cars, clothes, and gadgets.During the 2008 credit crisis, Lebanon had a reverse capital flight to its perceived safety. Rich Lebanese expats stopped trusting foreign banks and moved their money home, helping to create a balance-of-payment surplus of $20 billion between 2006 and 2010. This surplus was squandered on real-estate development and government waste, resulting in a bubble, the remnants of which can today be seen in the shiny, vacant towers dotting the Beirut skyline.
Starting in 2011, the surplus morphed into a persistent annual deficit. It wasn’t until 2016 that the Banque du Liban recognized the danger signs. The central bank initiated a series of so-called “financial engineering” transactions, which were equivalent to swapping lira for fresh (that is, attracted from overseas) dollars at exorbitant interest rates reaching 14-30%. Most of the lira thus printed by BDL was recognized as revenue, giving banks record profits, despite a stagnant economy. The two top banks alone made over $1 billion in 2016 in these artificial profits; the bonuses paid to senior managers were in real cash.
The interest owed to earlier depositors was sourced from new investors. Neither local nor foreign analysts picked up on this, even though the mechanism was suspiciously similar to what an infamous Italian immigrant did in Boston a century ago. All employed Lebanese have benefited from this particular variant of the Ponzi scheme: the dollar peg meant that their salaries are worth more than in a floating-currency regime.
Due to the crowding-out effect, the main losers are the youth, among whom the unemployment rate is almost 40%. In the Lebanese paradigm, unemployed youth are expected to emigrate, find jobs elsewhere and transmit remittances—in effect, to continue funding the scheme. But this has become increasingly difficult as job opportunities overseas have dwindled. Most analysts have been too distracted with traditional metrics, such as government debt worth nearly $90 billion, and have been neglecting the fact that BDL has borrowed $110 billion from Lebanese banks—out of $170 billion in total deposits. Half the dollar deposits in Lebanese banks are now with BDL, with the rest in lira. There is just no way for BDL to return this money.
Meanwhile, the astronomically high interest rates have created a cohort of millionaires and decamillionaires. But their account values are just computer entries, produced by compounded rates of return with no productive investment yielding real returns on the other side. Which is why, as bank deposits increased artificially, real liquidity shrank. The real dollars in BDL reserves, plus bank deposits with custodial accounts, amount to around $40 billion: in other words, there’s only one dollar of liquidity for every $3 dollars of claims. This would normally not be a problem in fractional banking, except that all these liabilities are in a foreign currency that BDL cannot print nor generate locally.
The good news is that almost all this debt is internal. This makes the solution quite simple: a national restructuring that equitably distributes losses, clawing back the phantom returns. Less than 1% of depositors, or 24,000 accounts, account for nearly $90 billion, with the average account worth $3.5 million. (Assuming each millionaire has three or four accounts, a common practice in Lebanon, we may be talking about no more than 6,000-8,000 account holders.)
But the owners of these phantom-money accounts spend some of it in the real world—on a Bentley, say—which consumes BDL reserves. Similarly, any Lebanese earning in lira consumes BDL reserves every time they go on vacation to Greece or buy an imported product.
How to fix the problem? The central bank can start by imposing capital controls on transfers overseas and curtail cash withdrawals; some banks are already doing this, but it would be more efficient and equitable if BDL made it compulsory for all.
Capital controls would only stanch the bleeding. Healing the wound would require more drastic measures, such as a haircut on all accounts above $1 million. (The extent of the haircut would depend on where BDL is prepared to start cutting: the larger the account, the deeper the cut can be.) This may require a ministerial decree, possibly even parliamentary approval. Legislators could call it a deferred tax, if that makes it politically more palatable.
This will not be as catastrophic as it sounds. A Lebanese who deposited $10 million 10 years ago, at 12%, holds $31 million today. With a 50% haircut, they would have $15.5 million, a quite reasonable return of 4.5%.
Lebanon officials may balk at trying something no other country has attempted before, but since their problem is sui generis, the solution can hardly be otherwise.

The Walls of Iraq and Lebanon and the Iranian Thread
Ghassan Charbel/Monday, 11 November, 2019
Thirty years ago, Asharq Al-Awsat dispatched me to cover the news of the fall of the Berlin wall. As a young Arab journalist, it was not odd for me to question the world around me. These questions only increased with the collapse of the Soviet Union.
I sat at a cafe near the wall, pondering when will the Arab walls collapse. These are not just the walls that are preventing Arab countries from communicating with their neighbors, but also the internal walls that hold the mind, heart and lungs captive. At the time, Iraq was ruled by Saddam Hussein, Libya was ruled by Moammar al-Gaddafi and Syria was ruled by Hafez Assad. Lebanon’s Baabda presidential palace was in the hands of a fiery general called Michel Aoun. He acted as prime minister of a military government.
Today, Saddam, Gaddafi and Assad are no more and the Baabda palace is occupied by Aoun, the elected president whose tenure is witnessing the collapse of many walls as a result of the youth and student popular protests. As for Iraq, we believed that Saddam was the only wall that was preventing it from catching its breath and joining the current age. Instead, we are now witnessing the cracking of the walls of the abuse of the power-sharing system that have exhausted the country.
The fall of the wall was the end of the era and the beginning of a new one. The world believed that it would live long under the rule of the sole victor. It later emerged that the burden of ruling the world was too great for one country alone, regardless of how powerful its economy and army were. It did not take long for Russia to rise from under the Soviet rubble under the leadership of the colonel, Vladimir Putin, who lived not too far from the wall and carried a wound in his heart. We then witnessed the magnificent Chinese rise whereby Mao’s successors were able to take hundreds of millions of Chinese out of poverty through ideas that were never written down in his Little Red Book. The successors tore down Mao’s wall without fanfare, but preserved his mausoleum, censors and stability through the Communist Party after they ran it through globalization.
The most significant and dangerous change was yet to come. The successive advances in science and technology also changed the way the individual views the world. It paved the way for the flood of news, comments and images. Guards could no longer capture information at the border and subject it to a security test before it seeps into the minds of the people. This is the social media revolution. The Kalashnikov may have taken its place in history for playing a major role in revolts around the world, but history will also record that the smartphone is more violent, dangerous and effective than the rifle.
The telecommunications revolution broke down several walls. Walls that were built by the people out of fear and for their own self-preservation. Walls built for securing the regime. Walls that were built by governments to prevent new fiery blood from flowing in the veins of society. The telecommunications revolution shook up everything. It raised questions about everything. It broke taboos and paved the way for unprecedented discussions.
Would it be exaggeration to say that the flow of Iraqi youths to the squares is a sign of the imminent collapse of corruption, the cracked state and sectarianism that have almost killed the people and with them, Iraq? Would it be exaggeration to say that the flow of Lebanese youths to the squares and streets is a sign of the imminent collapse of the wall of corruption, the cracked state and sects that have almost killed the people and with them, Lebanon’s spirit? Is it exaggeration to say that a new Iraq is being born and that it will accept nothing less than a modern state that is based on transparency, integrity and competency? Is it exaggeration to say that a new Lebanon is being born and that it refuses to be dragged into sectarian plots and will accept nothing less than a state of law, openness and an independent judiciary?
We have sailed long in despair. The long wait has been killing us. We were then met with the disappointment that was the Arab Spring and how forces of the past seized the dreams of the people. We were intimidated by the ability of the regimes to strike fear and alter the course of protests and plunge them in blood and terrorism.
Today, we are on the verge of the birth of a new Arab. An Arab who does not want one sect to be victorious against the other. An Arab who wants education that will pave the way for job opportunities, progress and innovation. An Arab who wants the police to work under the rule of law and a trial that is not influenced by the intelligence chief. An Arab who wants a normal and modern state that is not constantly living on the edge of civil war and does not birth desperate people, suicide bombers and explosive belts. The Arab here and there wants a state lined with balconies, not walls.
Everyone needs to stop and pause at the developments in Iraq and Lebanon. The flow of history cannot be halted no matter how high the dams and walls. Authorities in Iraq must read and listen and draw conclusions. The same applies to Lebanese authorities. And because the Iranian thread is present strongly in both capitals and is resistant to the winds of change, Iran itself must read and listen and draw conclusions.
It is hard to believe that the Iranian youths do not share the same dreams as those in Iraq and Lebanon, despite the unique conditions in each country. The addiction to fanning the flames of revolution cannot forever postpone crucial economic, political and social tests. The constant clash with the West cannot conceal the dire state of the economy and currency and the level of poverty. Iranian officials must keep in mind that the Chinese revolution was saved by those who reconciled it with the facts of economic progress and the need to improve the people’s lives. They must remember that the Soviet Union collapsed due to economic failure and the refusal to take the people’s needs into account. Accusing the protesters in Iraq and Lebanon of receiving funds and orders from foreign embassies will not resolve the problems of the accuser nor the accused.
Innocent youths armed with smartphones, a vivid imagination and pure intentions topple walls. Those who stand against them will sooner or later join the losers camp. Iran does not have the right to be the wall that stands in the way of change in Iraq and Lebanon.

Khalaf Ahmad Al-Habtoor/My message to the Lebanese: Stay strong and you will triumph
Arab News/November 11, 2019
Lebanon has always been close to my heart, and today I am proud to stand with those Lebanese who are protesting against the criminal political class that has bled the country’s coffers dry and stifled opportunities for generations. They have shown that they will no longer be played for fools.
As long as I can remember, Lebanon’s government has been in the strangulating grip of sectarian mafia bosses protected by armed militias that are obliged to pretend allegiance to the Iranian-funded godfather Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s secretary general, in order to maintain their vast wealth and power. But their gravy train is poised to crash and burn.
Lebanon’s youth has woken up to the deceit of these slick-talking peddlers of fake hope, who together have led the nation down a road to ruin. The veil has dropped from their eyes. They can no longer be fooled by political dynasties or those with weighty overseas bank accounts living securely behind the walls of hilltop palaces.
I salute each one of you who has courageously taken to the streets in a peaceful bid to overthrow a government stuffed with inept, corrupt dinosaurs whose only interest is self-interest. These same tired faces have been vying for a piece of the pie since the end of the civil war in 1990 and, if left to them, their sons would inherit their mantle. Fat-cat politicians in Lebanon do not see their role as a patriotic duty to serve the nation and its people, but rather a lucrative job for life.
On their watch, youth unemployment has reached the untenable level of 40 percent, forcing graduates to seek greener pastures abroad. There is zero economic growth and the country’s debt burden, which exceeds 150 percent of gross domestic product, is unsustainable. Adding to people’s woes are regular electricity cuts, severe shortages in water and medicines, and mountains of rotting garbage disfiguring the landscape.
Watching good-natured, fiesta-like gatherings, where Lebanese of all ages and religious persuasions stand shoulder-to-shoulder, speaking with one voice under the cedar flag, is inspirational and portends the demise of sectarianism — the cause of so much enmity and violence.
Fat-cat politicians do not see their role as a patriotic duty to serve the nation and its people, but rather a lucrative job for life.
Hezbollah’s attack dogs were unleashed into the crowds as a disruptive force, but were called off once their efforts were met with strong resistance. Supporters of President Michel Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement, which is allied with Hezbollah and the Amal Movement, called for Aoun to remain in office. Nasrallah initially ordered the government to remain in place while warning of an impending civil war. Such scare tactics only served to harden the protesters’ resolve.
Societal divisions have been greatly exacerbated by a sectarian political system that was bequeathed by the French colonial mandate and reaffirmed by the Taif Agreement, which sealed the end of the civil war by ensuring political representation is shared among the various sects that make up Lebanon’s rich religious tapestry.
This ill-conceived system is not only a recipe for disunity; it often translates to the best man or woman for the job being excluded solely due to their faith. Lebanon needs more than a new government, it needs a complete overhaul of its political system. The new system should allow for candidates to be chosen according to their merit, not their religion — and that is what the good Lebanese people are now demanding.
The people insist on a government that represents them and is chosen by them. So far, they have succeeded in unseating the Cabinet led by Prime Minister Saad Hariri, who, after a last-ditch attempt at promising reforms, resigned. Bravo to the people. You did it.
That said, danger still lurks on the horizon. Hariri now leads a caretaker Cabinet and, according to the Daily Star, he is willing to once again head a government on condition that it includes technocrats qualified to stave off economic collapse. He is the leader who, upon his resignation, said he had reached “a dead end.” In that case, he should be sufficiently dignified to announce his permanent retirement. Hariri should walk into the sunset together with his colleagues — failures all.
My message to the Lebanese is this: Please do not allow the current leadership to derail your demands using the “collapse of the economy” or “the devaluation of the Lebanese pound” as warning flags. If the old guard had any decency, it would heed your wishes and move aside to make room for qualified fresh faces with innovative ideas, who would be able to restore confidence and thus attract much-needed investment.
Do not permit those glued to their chairs for decades to slow down the creation of a new government to a snail’s pace in the hope you will return to a state of political slumber. Keep up the good fight for your rights and your future while there is momentum. Do not be mesmerized by master hypnotists out to lull you into a false sense of security. This is your chance. Grab it.
Last but not least, avoid placing your trust in any foreign nation because they do not have your best interests at heart. The idea of heroes on white horses riding in to save the day is nothing more than an illusion. All are out for their own benefit, so do not be tempted to exchange one set of masters for another. The only way to save your beloved Lebanon is to take matters into your own hands. Stay strong and determined and, with the grace of God, you will be triumphant.
*Khalaf Ahmad Al-Habtoor is a prominent UAE businessman and public figure. He is renowned for his views on international political affairs, his philanthropic activity, and his efforts to promote peace. He has long acted as an unofficial ambassador for his country abroad. Twitter: @KhalafAlHabtoor

Inside The House of Michel Aoun: A Feuding Dynasty
Haifa Zeaiter/Raseef22/November 11/2019
What is happening behind the scenes at Baabda Palace – home of Lebanon’s president Michel Aoun – and more specifically, within the Presidential family? Many Lebanese citizens are today asking this question, with reports suggesting internal differences between the two “sons-in-law”: namely, Foreign Minister (in the caretaker government) and leader of the “Free Patriotic Movement” Gebran Bassil, and former army brigadier-general and current member of parliament Chamel Roukoz – married respectively to Chantal and Claudine Aoun, two of President Aoun’s daughters.
Indeed, reports alleged differences between the two daughters themselves, attributed to differing public stances taken by each, as well as to ‘gossip’ by workers in the palace and those close to the family.
President Aoun – age 84 – has three daughters: Chantal, Claudine and Mireille – the latter married to the Director of OTV channel, the voice of Bassil’s “Free Patriotic Movement”, Roy el-Hachem. We mention the husbands of Aoun’s daughters not out of a patriarchal motive, but for the role the husbands play in formulating the family’s political stand as they rose to leading position in the country.
Yet Aoun’s daughters themselves are not neutral observers in the family’s political scene: Claudine is the media consultant of the president, she runs the “National Commission for Lebanese Women” and also runs Clémentine, an advertising company. Mireille is the principal advisor of the president. Chantal on the other hand does not appear to take an active frontline political role, assuming mostly the role of “first daughter” while at other times the “wife of the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement.”
Aoun Supporters Join the Uprising
The president’s family tree, its dynamics and the respective roles of the president’s relations have taken center stage with the onset of the October revolution. Old differences between Gebran Bassil and Chamel Roukoz have resurfaced, with the latter appearing on the fourth day of the uprising where protesters were cursing Bassil’s mother, Roukoz was carried on the shoulders of demonstrators calling for the downfall of the Aounist-led regime.
The video of Roukoz’s flash appearance in the mob was widely shared labelled: “Has Roukoz joined the ranks of protesters?” – however, Roukoz himself downplayed the incident, saying that he was driving by with his and the street was blocked by the protesters ” so I got out of the car, said hello to the young people, who carried me and were affectionate. It’s a normal matter.”
Yet Roukoz’s clarification did not dilute reports of what appeared to be a division within Aoun’s extended family caused by the October revolution – allegedly exacerbating previous grievances which were apparent beforehand.
During the first post uprising speech by the president, eight days after Lebanese citizens went to the streets and squares, there was a sentence in the president’s speech which was in turn relayed later on Twitter by his two daughters Claudine and Mireille: namely “reconsidering the government”, the statement was understood as opposing Bassil and an insinuation that he could be sacrificed from the government.
Lebanese citizens had taken to repeating a phrase that connoted Bassil’s central role in the regime – “either he is minister or the country falls into ruin” – Bassil possibly being the only thing that stands in the way of a new technocrats’ government.
The Disagreement
Before delving further into the Aounist state of protest against the “Bassil” role in the country’s governance, it is useful to return to the origins of the divisions – or at least the emergence of these divisions.
Raseef22 asked many Lebanese citizens about the reason for Bassil being the most hated figure these days, a unanimous response cited Bassil’s “provocative arrogance” which implies near-full control over the president.
Bassil’s transformation from being a leader in the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) to the strongman of Lebanon happened in a very short time, with some describing his ascension to the head of the party’s leadership as a “parachute landing” – marginalizing veteran Aounist activists. This reality would force many to leave the party while others would retrench after witnessing Bassil’s template of governance and viewing it as the opposite of the Aounist dream they struggled for.
It should be noted that Bassil assumed the leadership of the Free Patriotic Movement on the eve of Michel Aoun’s election to the presidency three years ago, pushing aside two possible candidates for the party’s leadership. Last September Bassil would win a new term as party leader, amidst a backdrop which critics described as one that favored businessmen in the party over activists, and where a policy of absolute loyalty to Bassil – that or the risk of marginalization – prevailed.
While Bassil was celebrating winning his second term at the head of the Free Patriotic Movement, Roukoz was hosting a group of “Aounist opposition” figures in the presence of his wife Claudine. While the meeting was described at the time as a social visit, in reality it entailed many messages – not least serving as evidence to a new movement which defined itself as ‘Aounist’ separate from the Free Patriotic Movement.
Heated Exchanges
Ten days after the outbreak of the revolution, Roukoz resigned from the “Strong Lebanon Bloc” – a coalition formed by the Free Patriotic Movement. Roukoz declared that he had not been attending meetings for months.
In an interview with Sky News, Roukoz declared his wish for the president to “work on changing the government and for a new government with the strongest hand belonging to the president and the prime minister.”
Attacks subsequently began targeting Roukoz and his wife from Bassil’s wing of the party, with the two accused of “treachery” and “defaming the image of the president.”
Lebanon’s President has three daughters: two of them are “palace consultants”. He has three sons in law: two are members of parliament, one is also a foreign minister and FPM party leader, and one runs OTV, the dynasty’s TV station
Three days after Roukoz’s resignation, Bassil’s deputy-leader in the Free Patriotic Movement May Khreich appeared in a television interview and dismissed the Roukoz’s role. When asked about the statements by the two daughters of Aoun declaring the necessity of holding early elections, Khreich angrily responded and trivialized their opinions, declaring: “What do Claudine Aoun and Mireille Aoun represent?”
On the 3rd of November, the road leading to the presidential palace at Baabda witnessed a demonstration in support of Aoun, in which Bassil – accompanied by his wife – was the star, while Claudine and Mireille were both absent. Bassil spoke to the crowd heavily praising the performance of the Free Patriotic Movement, only for Aoun to come out afterwards with a brief statement; the event was a source of dismay for the two daughters, as it contrasted the strong image that Bassil appeared in contrasted with the weakness of the president.
Two days after the protest, Claudine appeared in an interview explaining why she was absent from the rally at Baabda palace, directing many pointed messages in the process. She declared: “I am a member of this establishment, so how can I demonstrate in support of myself?” – adding that she had not heard Bassil’s speech.
Bassil had earlier declared that “there is no space in the movement for those who are scared or for traitors.” Here, Claudine took the opportunity to declare that no one can give her husband lessons in patriotism and loyalty, adding that it was “necessary to dilute all of our egos.”
Claudine had rejected in a previous interview her description as the “daughter of the Free Patriotic Movement” – declaring that she considered herself to be an Aounist, not an FPM daughter, now that Bassil heads the party.
On November 7, Roukoz returned to the scene, declaring in a television interview that “what is happening is an opportunity to launch new reforms and a new political climate,” and warning that “personal interests are still dominating until now.” He warned against attempting to “circumvent the demands of the street” – while calling for a separation members of parliament and government ministers.
Roukoz also praised the students protesting in the streets – in the meantime, OTV channel simultaneously disseminated reports alleging “ambiguous parties orchestrating the revolution” and “Israeli infiltration attempts.”
Skirmishes Everywhere
There is an additional source of disagreement between Claudine and her brother in Law Gebran Bassil: in addition to holding Bassil responsible for obstructing the appointment of Roukoz as minister and his control over Baabda palace, reports has also proliferated about Bassil’s negative attitude to Claudine’s work in the “Women’s Commission” – both regarding the laws that the commission proposed and worked on, as well as a general lack of cooperation where possible.
Many have taken to ask about the reality of Claudine’s exclusion from the palace’s media-related decisions, rand the exclusion also of her sister Mireille from other consultations after her name was proposed for a ministerial position.
Accordingly, critics citing Claudine’s exclusion declare: “How can a media consultant who runs an advertising company that is renowned for its successful campaigns allow the president to emerge in his first speech to Lebanese citizens after the revolution in this controversial image?” Aoun had appeared exhausted during his speech, which was not broadcast live – despite it being claimed otherwise.
Followers of Claudine’s Twitter account can observe the sheer scale of attacks against her from different accounts, including by supporters of the Free Patriotic Movement, doubting her loyalty and criticizing her performance and that of her husband. This gives rise to an important question: who is behind the accounts that are launching these concerted attacks the moment she posts a Tweet?
On the other hand, Raseef22 posed a series of questions to protesters of various affiliations, on the position of Claudine and Roukoz. There was a near unanimous response that “we should not fall into the trap of being infatuated with them both, or considering them heroes standing in the ranks of the revolution.”
According to the responses, both Roukoz and Claudine had their own calculations and interests in projecting a certain image, which will reserve a role for them in the upcoming political scene, and which ensure they have another chance however events turn out. On the other hand, there were also responses criticizing Roukoz, pointing to his military background and his lack of political acumen.
Amongst the responses, some also pointed out to what they considered the “patriarchal” nature of Aoun, who promoted his sons-in-law at the expense of his daughters, not least Bassil who he considers “the son he never had” – otherwise, in the words of one protester, “why has he [Aoun] not passed on the presidency of the Free Patriotic Movement to one of his daughters?”
While protesters continue to deploy various means to express their rejection of the ruling authority, its policies and its deeply-rooted ways, the state of division inside the Aounist camp continues to emerge more clearly – allowing the revolting street to target the ruling authority without raising the status of the anti-Bassil Aounist crowd to that of “heroes” and “revolutionaries.”

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